A Clinton Allen
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Obama gets back on the world stage | Olivia Hampton
[Guardian] (World news : South and Central Asia roundup | guardian.co.uk)After his heathcare win, Obama's trip to Afghanistan and the Moscow bombings are reminders of the global challenges aheadAfter a number of long, bruising political battles that put his own presidency on the line, Barack Obama has clinched some of the biggest achievements of his career in a single week. His healthcare win in hand, the president got a bounce in his step and set his sights back on the mountain of international challenges that he had placed on the back burner for months. In a one-tw ...
After his heathcare win, Obama's trip to Afghanistan and the Moscow bombings are reminders of the global challenges ahead
After a number of long, bruising political battles that put his own presidency on the line, Barack Obama has clinched some of the biggest achievements of his career in a single week. His healthcare win in hand, the president got a bounce in his step and set his sights back on the mountain of international challenges that he had placed on the back burner for months. In a one-two punch, he managed to sign his landmark health insurance reform bill into law and reach another long-awaited agreement with Russia to reduce the two cold war foes' nuclear stockpile.
A strong president at home does make a strong president abroad – as Jimmy Carter learned when all-too-familiar economic ills killed his second-term ambitions and dimmed his international successes. But is the healthcare legislation, with all its lukewarm public support and backroom dealings, enough to strengthen Obama's hand on the world stage?
Obama's first presidential visit to Afghanistan this weekend and the Moscow subway bombings on Monday served as stark reminders that his presidency will be riddled with even more difficult and significant problems ahead.
At Guantánamo Bay, 183 "war on terror" detainees still linger as the US administration struggles to close the prison camp and prepares to try the accused 9/11 plotters in military tribunals, following public outcry over plans for their trials to take place in civilian federal court in New York City. The political landscape remains uncertain in Iraq, the scene of renewed bombings in the wake of close elections that could dramatically change the government's makeup. In Afghanistan, US troop deaths have almost doubled in the first three months of 2010 compared to a year before as Obama nearly triples the US military presence there in a bid to "defeat and destroy" al-Qaida and an emboldened Taliban insurgency. Iran has yet to unclench its fist despite Obama's outstretched hand, continuing instead to defy international demands on its controversial nuclear programme.
US-Israel relations have hit a new low as Obama repeats his initial demand over a full freeze of settlement activity after grudgingly dropping it last year. But Binyamin Netanyahu shows no sign of budging on the heels of a major dressing-down in Washington with no press, no photo opportunity and no statement from either side following a tense Oval Office meeting.
The US-Russia agreement to replace the 1991 strategic arms reduction treaty (Start) bore some parallels to the healthcare fight – what with contentious negotiations, multiple setbacks, an 11th-hour push from Obama and a final result both sides can claim as victory. The deal to reduce the two countries' nuclear arsenals by about a third from previously allowed limits could also help secure more Russian support to slap a fourth round of UN sanctions on Iran as US-Russia ties emerge from a deep freeze. Yet the new Start must be ratified by two-thirds of the US Senate, and if Obama has learned anything from healthcare reform, it's that garnering enough votes becomes more challenging as elections draw near.
The frustration Obama has vented on Israel's latest plans for settlement building in East Jerusalem may amount to pure political theatre. It comes after he made an about-face in September, welcoming Israel's partial, 10-month halt to settlement construction in the West Bank that excludes mostly Arab East Jerusalem – dropping his initial demands for a complete freeze. That was a far cry from when secretary of state Hillary Clinton said back in May that Obama wanted a stop to "not some settlements, not outposts, not natural growth exceptions".
The head of US military operations in the Middle East and Central Asia, Centcom commander General David Petraeus, and Pentagon chief Robert Gates have now both said the lack of progress in the peace process is endangering US troops deployed in Muslim-majority nations like Iraq and Afghanistan. But even if a peace deal materialises, Obama would still have to contend with continued Muslim and Arab anger over what Clinton last week called Washington's "rock solid, unwavering, enduring and forever" support for Israel.The Israeli premier has warned that continued demands for a full settlement freeze could postpone long-stalled peace talks for another year. Such a delay would be fraught with risk for Obama just months before his Democratic party stands to suffer in the midterm elections. Instead, the president will work to stymie any possible losses in November. He is a political animal seeking a win akin to healthcare: a messy result reached through an ugly fight but that achieves enough for someone like Biden to call it a "big fucking deal".
Meanwhile, the healthcare battle shows no signs of abating, with Republicans vowing to run on repealing and replacing it as the Obama administration continues selling the plan to the American people. The president could well face the political fight of his life as he tries to convince increasingly sceptical Americans that they can afford near-universal health insurance coverage just as the nation emerges from tough economic times with near-double digit unemployment, a ballooning deficit and two costly wars fought in distant lands.
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So, You Still Want to Close Gitmo? -- By: Andrew C. McCarthy
[Right-Wing, Politics, Law] (Articles on National Review Online)Mohamedou Slahi is responsible for the murder of thousands of Americans. He was a core member of the 9/11 conspiracy -- the recruiter of Mohamed Atta and the other ringleaders. If he’d had his druthers, even more Americans would have been killed: He is almost certainly the al-Qaeda middle manager who activated the Canadian cell that attempted to bomb Los Angeles International Airport. On the scale of war criminals, he edges toward the Khalid Sheikh Mohammed range, as bad as it gets. A federa ...
Mohamedou Slahi is responsible for the murder of thousands of Americans. He was a core member of the 9/11 conspiracy -- the recruiter of Mohamed Atta and the other ringleaders. If he’d had his druthers, even more Americans would have been killed: He is almost certainly the al-Qaeda middle manager who activated the Canadian cell that attempted to bomb Los Angeles International Airport. On the scale of war criminals, he edges toward the Khalid Sheikh Mohammed range, as bad as it gets.
A federal judge has ordered that he be released.
Cassandra did not like being Cassandra. It is not enjoyable to foresee avoidable catastrophes again and again (and again and again and again) only to watch as no remedial measures are taken and disaster strikes. To repeat: The courts are institutionally incompetent when it comes to matters of national security, particularly the prosecution of war.
The Framers intended it that way. National-security decisions are the most important ones a political community makes, so our system of government was designed to have them made by the political branches -- by those who answer to the voters, to the people whose lives are at stake. When the political branches abdicate this first responsibility of government, sitting by as it is usurped by politically insulated judges, they deny us the freedom to decide for ourselves what our security requires. We are then the subjects of judges rather than masters of our own destiny.
The courts, moreover, are the worst institution to which we could surrender this authority. Not only are we powerless to vote them out if they get national-defense matters wrong, they are guaranteed to get them wrong. This is not because judges are bad people; it is because they have no responsibility for protecting the country. They are generally good people whose job is to ensure that the parties before the court are given due process. When a judge does that job conscientiously, due-process rights are inevitably inflated. That judges do not run completely out of control in maximizing due-process rights owes not to judicial temperance but to the powers of the political branches.
This genius of separation of powers is on display in the civilian justice system. We know that judges are hardwired to maximize the rights of accused criminals. So we don’t give them free reign. It is Congress that writes the statutes that courts must apply and prescribes the rules of procedure. It is Congress that tells the judges what the punishment for a crime must be and whether an offender may be released -- it doesn’t matter whether the judge thinks the criminal is unlikely to threaten society.
But the same Congress that performs these duties exactingly in the civilian justice system, where judges have institutional competence, has abdicated its responsibility in the conduct of war, in which judges have no expertise. In the 2008 Boumediene v. Bush decision, the Supreme Court’s liberal bloc turned its back on precedent and empowered America’s enemies to use our courts against us -- inviting alien enemy combatants into federal court to challenge the military’s determination that they are, in fact, enemy combatants. The Supremes further exacerbated the problem by giving no guidance to the lower courts as to how these cases should proceed: What rights to discovery and confrontation do our enemies have? What rules of evidence obtain? Who bears the burden of proof that a detainee is or is not an enemy combatant? What is the standard of proof to be applied? We don’t know. The Court left it up to the district judges to make it up as they go along.
As they continue making it up, here is the most important point to consider: Judges are inherently hostile to the concept of detention without trial. That we have been permitted for centuries to hold enemy combatants through the conclusion of hostilities, and that we have in fact done this to millions of prisoners, is irrelevant to them. They figure that we just weren’t enlightened enough before 2004 to involve the courts in this core aspect of warfare. But the fact is that we didn’t involve courts because it wasn’t the courts’ affair; fighting war is the military’s job, under the direction of the commander in chief and the authorization of Congress.
Now, we’ve somehow made it the job of Judge James Robertson, a progressive civil-rights activist appointed to the bench by President Clinton in 1994. Robertson is the district judge who started it all, the first to rule -- back in 2003 -- that Salim Hamdan, Osama bin Laden’s personal bodyguard and driver, had Geneva Convention rights and could not be subjected to a military-commission trial. He later quit the FISA court in apparent protest over the president’s wartime effort to penetrate our enemies’ international communications without asking permission from federal judges. Now, he is ready to spring Slahi, the terrorist who set 9/11 in motion.
Bear this in mind: Because Slahi is still at Guantanamo Bay, Judge Robertson only has the authority to review his status as an enemy combatant. That means the judge could do nothing more than order Slahi’s release; if the Justice Department does not successfully appeal the decision, we will find another country to take Slahi. But if Gitmo had been closed, as the Obama administration and Sen. Lindsey Graham want, Slahi would have been physically inside the United States. Judge Robertson then would have claimed that his physical presence in our country entitled Slahi to all of the Constitution’s protections (not just habeas corpus). He would have ordered that Slahi be released in the United States if no suitable alternative could be found.
Who is still at Gitmo? The worst of the terrorists, including scores who are known to be dangerous but cannot be tried because, as in Slahi’s case, there is not sufficient admissible evidence to convict them of war crimes: There is only intelligence and coerced admissions -- useful information but inadmissible in a trial court, civilian or military.
Scores of detainees fall into the detention category to which judges are most hostile: indefinite imprisonment without trial. If that imprisonment is happening here rather than in Cuba, judges will be free to order the terrorists released here.
And if they’d release Mohamedou Slahi, who wouldn’t they release?
— National Review’s Andrew C. McCarthy is a senior fellow at the National Review Institute and the author of Willful Blindness: A Memoir of the Jihad (Encounter Books, 2008).
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Obama's long-distance healthcare race | Sasha Abramsky
[Corporate Blogs, Politics, Op-Ed (opinion editorial), Guardian] (Comment is free | guardian.co.uk)As the journey to healthcare reform has shown, Barack Obama knows how to pace himself better than the politicians around himPacing, in politics, as in sports, is oftentimes everything. As a politician, President Obama has always been a long-distance runner. When early supporters panicked in the autumn of 2007, a few months before the Iowa caucus, and convened meetings with the candidate to urge a more aggressive stance versus Clinton, Obama told them he was going to adhere to the script create ...
As the journey to healthcare reform has shown, Barack Obama knows how to pace himself better than the politicians around him
Pacing, in politics, as in sports, is oftentimes everything.
As a politician, President Obama has always been a long-distance runner. When early supporters panicked in the autumn of 2007, a few months before the Iowa caucus, and convened meetings with the candidate to urge a more aggressive stance versus Clinton, Obama told them he was going to adhere to the script created by Axelrod, Plouffe and himself. He did, and a couple weeks before the caucus, he pulled ahead in the polls. When the pundits opined that he was being too passive after the Democratic party's August 2008 convention and was giving an opening to McCain and Palin, he urged his team to stay calm, to stay focused … and sure enough, his poll numbers rebounded. Numerous of Obama's friends told me, while I was reporting my book Inside Obama's Brain, that he is congenitally even-keeled, a man who revels in staying calm under pressure and in remaining consistent despite the shifting sands around him.When President Obama was being pilloried by pundits from all sides – and by much of the general public – for spending too long on forging a Congressional majority to pass healthcare and then lampooned after Scott Brown's upset victory as being a lame duck president who promised much and delivered nothing, he stayed focused.
And when Democrats in Congress threatened to stampede away from healthcare reform in the dog days of winter he came out fighting. Over the past two months, Obama time and again urged legislators to show spine; and, in refusing to back down, he ultimately convinced them of the historical urgency of the moment. Late Sunday night, he was rewarded with a truly extraordinary legislative accomplishment, one that brings America in from the cold in the realm of healthcare and dramatically reshapes the American social compact.
To put this in perspective: Franklin Roosevelt, the 20th century's most accomplished progressive institution-builder, didn't manage to expand the social safety net to include healthcare. Lyndon Johnson, the century's second-most accomplished reinventor of government, and one of the most manipulative and coercive of presidents when it came to bending Congress to his will, failed to create universal healthcare. And Bill Clinton, the century's last president and one who came into office committed to overhauling the healthcare system, was virtually broken on the wheel over it during his first two years in the White House.
The old adage that a year's a long time in politics is proving hopelessly inadequate to describe the country's and the media's relationship to Barack Obama. When Obama was elected, it was heralded as a breakthrough moment for America. Almost all commentators, across the political spectrum, reveled in at least part of the Obama-drama and the 44th president's approval ratings skyrocketed into the mid-seventies. A few months later, the gloss fading, Obama began to be pilloried – he was a fallen messiah, a doomed false prophet. By the summer, the Tea Parties were mobilising and the tenor of the political debate was becoming nastier and more bitter by the minute. By the late autumn, Obama was being castigated by his own supporters as a sell-out, as someone who was sacrificing a once-in-a-century opportunity for transformative progressive political change on the altar of "bipartisanship". He was a stooge of Wall Street, a fake radical, a man more concerned with his image than with substantive governing accomplishments. By February, he was being compared to Carter; ineffective, pontificating, destined to be a one-term failure.
And Sunday night, suddenly, he was reborn. Peruse the liberal blogosphere this week and one sees a celebration of Obama-dom again, a pride in his accomplishments, a desire to be a part of a movement once more. Like a phoenix rising from the ashes, the charismatic, sure-footed, candidate Obama has arisen once more to shunt aside the technocrat who has been living in the White House these many months.
Did Obama himself really go through all of these incarnations over the past year? Obviously not. Instead, he hued to a course that he laid down early in his presidency; worked hard to build coalitions; showed both courage and tenacity in not giving up on healthcare reform after the Massachusetts election debacle; and demonstrated confidence – that innate confidence that has guided Obama throughout his extraordinary political career – that in the end his political tactics, his methodology, would generate results.
In interviewing scores of people around Obama for my book, I came to think that what made Obama peculiarly fascinating was not so much his idealism but that the veneer of idealism provided camouflage for an extremely effective, wily, player of the game of politics. While in some ways he is intensely idealistic – and clearly many of his supporters during the election campaign were desperate to believe he was all idealism and no Machiavelli – he has never been a purist for purism's sake. He knows how and when to compromise, and he knows how and when to draw lines in the sand. And, as the long, slow, march toward Sunday's healthcare reform vote shows, above all he knows how to pace himself better than the other politicians around him.
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US announces aid for Pakistan power projects, skirts n-deal issue
[India] (NetIndian All Headlines Feed)NetIndian News Network Washington, March 25, 2010 US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and Pakistan Foreign Minister Shah Mahmood Qureshi at the US Pakistan Strategic Dialogue in Washington on March 24, 2010. The United States has announced an assistance of $ 125 million to Pakistan for power projects, some military supplies and several social sector programmes but there was no word on Islamabad's demand for a civil n ...
NetIndian News NetworkWashington, March 25, 2010
US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and Pakistan Foreign Minister Shah Mahmood Qureshi at the US Pakistan Strategic Dialogue in Washington on March 24, 2010.
The United States has announced an assistance of $ 125 million to Pakistan for power projects, some military supplies and several social sector programmes but there was no word on Islamabad's demand for a civil nuclear energy deal like the one the US has inked with India.
"We are working together to ensure that Pakistanis have access to affordable and reliable power, which is essential to funding economic development," Ms Clinton said at a joint media interaction with Pakistan Foreign Minister Shah Mahmood Qureshi after the first ever Strategic Dialogue between the two countries at the ministerial level here on Wednesday.
"When I was in Islamabad in October, we announced a signature energy program, and tomorrow, USAID Administrator (Rajiv) Shah and Secretary of Water and Power (Shahid) Rafi will sign implementation agreements for three thermal power station rehabilitation projects that will provide more electricity to more people," she said.
Asked specifically whether the US was prepared to discuss a civil nuclear deal with Pakistan such as the one it has with India, Ms Clinton skirted the issue.
"We have a broad agenda with many complicated issues like the one you referred to. Discussions are continuing through tomorrow. And while I will not go into details of our bilateral conversations, we’ve said that we will listen to and engage with our Pakistani partners on whatever issues the delegation raises. We’re committed to helping Pakistan meet its real energy needs.
"I’m particularly pleased that we are moving forward with $125 million to Pakistan for energy sector projects. That’s an assistance programme I announced when I was there in October. And as the foreign minister said, we have followed through. We don’t just make announcements and then forget about them and get the headlines and move on," she said.
"So this dialogue that we’re engaged in is helping us build the kind of partnership that can make progress over time on the most complicated of issues," she said.
At the outset of the press conference, Ms Clinton said the Dialogue, along with the unprecedented participation of senior leaders across both the governments, reflected the importance the two countries placed on the relationship.
"These meetings are an opportunity to engage directly on the full range of issues that are matters of both common concern and shared responsibility, and to produce concrete results," she said.
"Today, we discussed our shared goals: to protect our citizens and our countries from the violent extremism that threatens us both, to see Pakistan prosper as a strong democracy in a stable region, to cooperate on issues that improve the daily lives of the Pakistani people, and so much else. We have made it very clear that this Strategic Dialogue is in Pakistan’s interests and in the United States’ interests. And that is why what we’re doing here today is so critical," she said.
Ms Clinton said the meeting had discussed Pakistan's national security priorities, ongoing counter-insurgency operations and long-term military modernisation and recapitalisation efforts.
"Pakistan is on the front line of confronting the violent extremism that threatens us all. And Pakistan’s civilians and security forces continue to bear the brunt of that fight," she said.
Ms Clinton underscored the commitment of the US to stand with Pakistan as it confronted its challenges. The two countries also reaffirmed their support for the people and Government of Afghanistan as they continue to rebuild their country after decades of war and to overcome violence and insurgency.
"But our relationship extends far beyond security, as does the scope of this dialogue. As demonstrated by the landmark Kerry-Lugar-Berman legislation, which supports Pakistan’s economic and social development goals with $7.5 billion in assistance over five years, the United States is committed to advancing the long-term aspirations of the Pakistani people for a more peaceful and prosperous future," she said.
She said the two sides were cooperating to boost economic development on a number of tracks. The US will sign a letter of intent to upgrade significat road infrastructure in the North-West of Pakistan. It is also taking steps to help Pakistan boost exports of agricultural products and to improve agricultural infrastructure.
Ms Clinton said the two sides were working for greater market access to US markets for Pakistani products and collaborating on plans for new water projects. They are also looking forward to the completion of a transit trade agreement between Pakistan and Afghanistan that would benefit both countries.
She said the two sides discussed the importance of working on a multi-year basis with regard to resource planning. The US side told the meeting that its goal was a multi-yar security assistance package, including foreign military financing, based upon identified mutual strategic objectives, which wuld further strengthen the long-term partnership between the two countries. "We, of course, will work closely with Congress to further develop this commitment," she said.
Ms Clinton said the US also remained committed to social protection efforts, such as the Benazir Bhutto Income Support Program for families in vulnerable areas. "And we will launch a women in development agenda in our next round of dialogues in Islamabad," she said.
She also announced the approval of flight access for Pakistan International Airlines to Chicago, via Barcelona, making it easier for business travellers and families to strengthen the ties between the two countries.
Sh said the sectoral tracks of the dialogue would meet again on Thursday and then over the next months in Islamabad. The two sides were also working on people-to-people contacts and programmes, she said.
Mr Qureshi said he was a "happy man and a satisfied man" after the meeting. "I’m satisfied because you’ve finally agreed to many of the things that we’ve been sharing over our discussions in the last two years," he said.
He said the two sides had agreed to expand their dialogue from the original four to ten tracks to make it a more people-to-people relationship.
"And when I say I’m happy today, I’m happy because I feel I’ve contributed in redirecting this relationship in line with the aspirations of the people of Pakistan," he remarked.
Mr Qureshi said that he was at the US Congress on Tuesday and saw a qualitative difference in the engagement.
In reply to a question, he listed the steps Pakistan has taken to improve the situation on its border with Afghanistan. "Successful operations in Pakistan against the Taliban have had a significant impact in Afghanistan, and they acknowledge that," he said.
He said Afghan President Hamid Karzai, during his recent visit to Islamabad, had acknowledged the contribution that the democratic government in Pakistan had made in improving bilateral relations with Afghanistan.
He said the US and Pakistan had discussed military hardware during their dialogue. "We’ve talked about military hardware. You have to realize that we are operating in a completely different theatre. The western border, the terrain is completely different. And I’m glad to share with you we’ve agreed to fast-track – to fast-track our requests that have (been) pending for months and years on the transfer of military equipment to Pakistan. So all these steps, I think, will make a qualitative difference to border management."
Ms Clinton said the two sides wanted their private sectors to work together much more closely and look at joint ventures and investments.
"We want our universities and academic institutions working together. We want to spend time on improving agriculture and healthcare and so much else," she said, mentioning possibilities in the information technology sector, among others.
Mr Qureshi was excited with the reception he got at the Congress. "I was at the Hill yesterday – the mood was completely different. I’ll say it publicly. It was different. I was at the Senate. I was at the House. It’s 180 degree difference. We’ve turned the corner. And today, there was confidence. There were no question marks. There was no suspicion. There was no “do more.” There was recognition of what we already had done. There was appreciation of what we had already done. That’s one."
"The other thing, the civil-military relations today in Pakistan are excellent. The fact that the army chief is part of the delegation that is here, the fact that we were sitting on the same table arguing, articulating Pakistan case, is unheard of in the past," he said, referring to the presence of Pakistan army chief Gen Ashfaq Kayani at the meeting.
To a question about the reconciliation process in Afghanistan, Mr Qureshi said Pakistan had discussed it with Mr Karzai.
"Pakistan is very clear: We want this to be an Afghan-led, Afghan-owned process. Now, it’s their choice. If they feel we can contribute, if we can help, we will be more than willing to help. But we leave it to them. We’ve had discussions when they were in Islamabad. I’ve invited the Afghan foreign minister to come to Islamabad for a detailed discussion on the reintegration/reconciliation process. He’s accepted my invitation and we’ll talk about it. Our aim is very simple: We want a peaceful, stable, friendly Afghanistan, period," he said.
In response to a question, Ms Clinton said it was important to recognise that the US had positive relationships with both Pakistan and India. "And we certainly encourage the dialogue between India and Pakistan. The issues that are part of that dialogue need to be addressed, and resolution of them between the two countries would certainly be in everyone’s best interest," she said.
"But I want to just underscore that our goal in the Obama Administration is to make clear that we are going to be a partner with Pakistan going forward on a full range of matters. Now, we can’t dictate Pakistani foreign policy or Indian foreign policy. But we can encourage, as we do, the in-depth discussion between both countries that we think would benefit each of them with respect to security and development," she said.
Mr Qureshi said India was a sovereign country and had bilateral relations which Pakistan respected. "But all we are saying that those relations should not be at the cost of Pakistan. And we are very clear and I think you are very clear on that. I’m of the view that Pakistan has been willing to engage. And I’m confident, as two years down the line, I’m confident of this relationship. I’m confident that India will have to revisit its policy and very soon," he said.
Photos: US State Department Photos by Michael Gross.
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Health Care Reform for America... Finally
[Africa] (Afrigator)"On Behalf of My Mother"Posted by Jesse Lee on March 23, 2010 at 1:33 PM EDT Read the Transcript | Download Video: mp4 (544MB) | mp3 (25MB) (Yesterday) the President made it official: things are going to change quite a bit between Americans and their health insurance companies. The President signed health reform into law, with a package of fixes not far behind, and in the process created a future for the country in which Americans and small businesses are in control of their own hea ...
"On Behalf of My Mother"Posted by Jesse Lee on March 23, 2010 at 1:33 PM EDT Read the Transcript | Download Video: mp4 (544MB) | mp3 (25MB) (Yesterday) the President made it official: things are going to change quite a bit between Americans and their health insurance companies. The President signed health reform into law, with a package of fixes not far behind, and in the process created a future for the country in which Americans and small businesses are in control of their own health care, not the insurance industry.Learn what reform means for you.Having expressed all due admiration for Speaker Nancy Pelosi, Senate Leader Harry Reid, and those Members of Congress who showed the courage to stand up to an avalanche of misinformation and insurance industry attacks, the President explained what the signing was really about:Today, Im signing this reform bill into law on behalf of my mother, who argued with insurance companies even as she battled cancer in her final days.Im signing it for Ryan Smith, whos here today. He runs a small business with five employees. Hes trying to do the right thing, paying half the cost of coverage for his workers. This bill will help him afford that coverage.Im signing it for 11-year-old Marcelas Owens, whos also here. (Applause.) Marcelas lost his mom to an illness. And she didnt have insurance and couldnt afford the care that she needed. So in her memory he has told her story across America so that no other children have to go through what his family has experienced. (Applause.)Im signing it for Natoma Canfield. Natoma had to give up her health coverage after her rates were jacked up by more than 40 percent. She was terrified that an illness would mean shed lose the house that her parents built, so she gave up her insurance. Now shes lying in a hospital bed, as we speak, faced with just such an illness, praying that she can somehow afford to get well without insurance. Natomas family is here today because Natoma cant be. And her sister Connie is here. Connie, stand up. (Applause.)Im signing this bill for all the leaders who took up this cause through the generations -- from Teddy Roosevelt to Franklin Roosevelt, from Harry Truman, to Lyndon Johnson, from Bill and Hillary Clinton, to one of the deans whos been fighting this so long, John Dingell. (Applause.) To Senator Ted Kennedy. (Applause.) And its fitting that Teds widow, Vicki, is here -- its fitting that Teddys widow, Vicki, is here; and his niece Caroline; his son Patrick, whose vote helped make this reform a reality. (Applause.)I remember seeing Ted walk through that door in a summit in this room a year ago -- one of his last public appearances. And it was hard for him to make it. But he was confident that we would do the right thing.Our presence here today is remarkable and improbable. With all the punditry, all of the lobbying, all of the game-playing that passes for governing in Washington, its been easy at times to doubt our ability to do such a big thing, such a complicated thing; to wonder if there are limits to what we, as a people, can still achieve. Its easy to succumb to the sense of cynicism about whats possible in this country.But today, we are affirming that essential truth - a truth every generation is called to rediscover for itself - that we are not a nation that scales back its aspirations. (Applause.) We are not a nation that falls prey to doubt or mistrust. We don't fall prey to fear. We are not a nation that does whats easy. Thats not who we are. Thats not how we got here.We are a nation that faces its challenges and accepts its responsibilities. We are a nation that does what is hard. What is necessary. What is right. Here, in this country, we shape our own destiny. That is what we do. That is who we are. That is what makes us the United States of America.And we have now just enshrined, as soon as I sign this bill, the core principle that everybody should have some basic security when it comes to their health care. (Applause.) And it is an extraordinary achievement that has happened because of all of you and all the advocates all across the country.So, thank you. Thank you. God bless you, and may God bless the United States. (Applause.) Thank you. Thank you.All right, I would now like to call up to stage some of the members of Congress who helped make this day possible, and some of the Americans who will benefit from these reforms. And were going to sign this bill.President Barack Obama reaches for a pen as he signs the health insurance reform bill in the East Room of the White House, March 23, 2010. (Official White House Photo by Lawrence Jackson) UPDATE: The President spoke soon afterwards at the Department of Interior, where he reiterated many of the same points, but also took a more light-hearted tone towards critics of reform:I said this once or twice, but it bears repeating: If you like your current insurance, you will keep your current insurance. No government takeover; nobody is changing what youve got if youre happy with it. If you like your doctor, you will be able to keep your doctor. In fact, more people will keep their doctors because your coverage will be more secure and more stable than it was before I signed this legislation.And now that this legislation is passed, you dont have to take my word for it. Youll be able to see it in your own lives. I heard one of the Republican leaders say this was going to be Armageddon. Well, two months from now, six months from now, you can check it out. Well look around - (laughter) -- and well see. (Applause.) You dont have to take my word for it. (Applause.)Learn more about Health Care -
Mexico-U.S. drug wars: don't blame the music
[News] (True/Slant Network Activity)[1]Military police in Ciudad Juarez (Image by Getty Images North America via Daylife) Yesterday, Hillary Clinton was in Mexico for a summit about the country's out-of-control drug violence. While there, the U.S. Secretary of State received an earful about the U.S. role in supplying the guns and the money that are helping to fuel this problem (via the sale of cocaine, weed, and meth to deep-pocketed U.S. consumers). In the days before she arrived, Mexican telecom and media billionaire Ricardo ...
[1]Military police in Ciudad Juarez (Image by Getty Images North America via Daylife) Yesterday, Hillary Clinton was in Mexico for a summit about the country's out-of-control drug violence. While there, the U.S. Secretary of State received an earful about the U.S. role in supplying the guns and the money that are helping to fuel this problem (via the sale of cocaine, weed, and meth to deep-pocketed U.S. consumers). In the days before she arrived, Mexican telecom and media billionaire Ricardo Salinas Pliego urged [2] that the two governments consider legalization and regulation of illegal drugs as one way to stem the violence. So did U.S.-based drug policy watchdog groups. Ethan Nadelmann, executive director of the New York-based drug policy alliance, said: "The best gift that Secretary Clinton Could deliver to the Mexicans would be to break the taboo open on honest consideration of all drug policy options." Of course an end to prohibition, even of marijuana (which accounts for a good amount of the cartels' cash flow), wasn't really discussed. Clinton instead promised to throw more cash at the problem, more surveillance hardware, etc. Though she did make a point of saying that "institution-building" had to be part of it, and that the United States and Mexico should work with civilian groups to shore up the rule of law. At least she didn't lash out against narcocorridos. Everyone else has. This musical genre popular first in northern Mexico but now elsewhere too consists of ballads popularizing the exploits of cartels and their enforcers. Earlier this year, Mexico governing conservative party suggested that musicians who pen ballads celebrating drug violence should get jail time [3]. And radio stations have been slapped with a law banning narcocorridos from the airwaves. Though it seems like a draconian idea, the censorship of narcocorridos and the bands that play them [4] has become an accepted fact in Mexico. Earlier this month wire service Ansa carried a story based on a book by prominent Mexican journalist Diego Osorno, in which he describes [5] how the cartels use narcocorridos for propaganda purposes, to legitimize the cartels' role in Mexican society and recruit impressionable youth into their networks. Even the iconic and widely admired Los Tigres del Norte [6]have been pulled into the fray over narcocorridos. I feel tremendously for what Mexico has been going through. But I am skeptical of efforts to "Jail the Messenger" as blog The Mex Files [7] puts it. Popular music has always been tied up with underworlds of one sort or another, from the tango's early days as brothel music, to Colombia's countrified vallenato genre beloved by drug bosses, to jazz's associations with Prohibition-era speakeasies. Not to mention hip-hop and inner city gangs. Censorship of criminal inroads into pop culture doesn't get at the root of the problem. Neither does waging "wars" against a basic problem of supply, demand and an inevitable criminal black market. This market and its attendant violence that rots at the rule of law will exist, somewhere, for as long as wealthy consumers create a huge market for illegal narcotics. Journalist Elijah Wald, a music expert who wrote a book on narcocorridos, maintains a website [8] with a helpful time-line of efforts to censor the music. [1] http://www.daylife.com/image/08nn3DOae6bPG?utm_source=zemanta&utm_medium=p&utm_content=08nn3DOae6bPG&utm_campaign=z1 [2] http://www.latamdaily.com/2010/03/23/good-point/ [3] http://mexfiles.net/2010/01/22/jail-the-messenger/ [4] http://www.nytimes.com/2010/03/07/arts/music/07narcocorrido.html [5] http://www1.folha.uol.com.br/folha/mundo/ult94u706463.shtml [6] http://www.csmonitor.com/World/Global-News/2009/1029/los-tigres-del-norte-sing-of-censorship-bail-on-mexican-award [7] http://mexfiles.net/2010/01/22/jail-the-messenger/ [8] http://www.elijahwald.com/corrido.html -
Pakistan urges US to maintain "constructive engagement" on Kashmir
[India] (NetIndian All Headlines Feed)NetIndian News Network Washington, March 24, 2010 US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and Pakistan Foreign Minister Shah Mahmood Qureshi at the US Pakistan Strategic Dialogue in Washington on March 24, 2010. Pakistan today said it would continue to seek a peaceful resolution of all outstanding disputes in South Asia, including Kashmir, and hoped the United States would maintain its "constructive engagement to encoura ...
NetIndian News NetworkWashington, March 24, 2010
US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and Pakistan Foreign Minister Shah Mahmood Qureshi at the US Pakistan Strategic Dialogue in Washington on March 24, 2010.Pakistan today said it would continue to seek a peaceful resolution of all outstanding disputes in South Asia, including Kashmir, and hoped the United States would maintain its "constructive engagement to encourage this process."
Pakistan Foreign Minister Shah Mahmood Qureshi told the opening session of the US-Pakistan Strategic Dialogue that Pakistan was committed to doing its part to facilitate the world's community effort for peace and stability in Afghanistan.
"We hope the world community will be equally responsive to our legitimate concerns and help advance common interests," he said.
Mr Qureshi also sought non-discriminatory access to vital energy resources for Pakistan so that it could pursue its economic and industrial development plans, an apparent reference to the civil nuclear cooperation deal that the country is seeking with the US on the lines of the Indo-US nuclear accord.
US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton noted that today's meeting was the first Strategic Dialogue between the two countries at the level of the Foreign Ministers.
"So during the next two days, we will determine concrete steps that our countries will take to advance our work in key areas, including addressing Pakistan’s urgent energy needs and helping communities damaged by violence to rebuild. More broadly, we will discuss our goals and vision for our partnership’s long-term future and set forth a schedule for that future," she said.
"Pakistan and the United States have come together at critical moments throughout our history. We have provided aid and support to each other at trying times. We have faced wars and responded to natural disasters together. Over the years, our relationship has been tested, but it has always endured. And I am pleased we have come together again – at this critical moment – to reinforce our ties and recommit to building a partnership that will last," she said.
Ms Clinton said the US recognised the central role that Pakistan plays in promoting security and prosperity.
"And that is not only for itself but throughout South Asia. Pakistan’s stability and prosperity is in the best interests of people everywhere. Its struggles are our struggles. Its future and ours are entwined. And its people and our people share many of the same dreams, dreams we are more likely to achieve working together," she said.
Acknowledging the presence of Pakistan Army Chief General Ashfaq Kayani at the meeting, Ms Clinton said Pakistan stood at the front line of a struggle against violent extremism, which had inflicted terrible costs on its people.
"For months, the Taliban has waged war against the Government of Pakistan. Thousands of soldiers have given their lives to protect their country. Innocent men, women, and children have been killed in markets and schools, at police stations, and even in mosques. This violence is both senseless and part of a larger perverse strategy to destabilize Pakistan and allow extremist groups the freedom to consolidate power and plot further violence in Pakistan and beyond," she said.
According to her, the people and the Government of Pakistan had responded to these attacks with courage and resolve.
"The Pakistani authorities have recently arrested key leaders of the Taliban. The Pakistani Army continues to fight the extremists. And the democratically elected Government of Pakistan and the Pakistani people have shown extraordinary strength in their determination to rebuild their communities and rid their country of those who seek to destroy it," she said.
"So to the people and Government of Pakistan, the United States pledges our full support. You are fighting a war whose outcome is critical; first and foremost, of course, for the people of Pakistan, but it will also have regional and global repercussions. And so strengthening and advancing your security remains a key priority of our relationship," she said.
Ms Clinton said that, with this Dialogue, the US wanted to think about security in the broadest possible terms – "the full range of political, economic, and social issues that shape the daily life of people everywhere".
She noted that the US had, in addition to its humanitarian assistance to citizens displaced by violence, had significantly increased its overall non-military assistance through the Kerry-Lugar-Berman initiative, the legislation passed last year. T
"hat was a landmark, long-term investment in Pakistan’s economy and its civilian institutions. Now, we are redirecting our assistance to priorities identified by Pakistan’s democratically elected civilian government, including energy and water initiatives. And under the leadership of the United States Agency for International Development, we are increasing our efforts to promote sustainable development and broad prosperity," she said.
She stressed that today's Dialogue was the first in a series of continuing, substantive discussions that will continue in the months ahead. The next round of the Dialogue will be held later this year in Islamabad.
Ms Clinton used the opportunity to speak directly to the people of Pakistan. "Pakistan is no longer unaided, marching toward your destiny. The United States is proud to stand and march with you. But now we are called, all of us, to work, work, and more work, today, tomorrow, and the months ahead for the citizens of our countries and many others whose futures will be influenced by our partnership," she said.
In his response, Mr Qureshi spoke about the US- Pakistan partnership, especially in the fight against extremism and terrorism.
"As we recall these shining examples, we must also remember that many of these brooked sacrifices from the people of Pakistan. Red marks were placed on Pakistani cities, thousands of our innocent citizens became victims of foreign-sponsored sabotage, our society was exposed to massive refugee influx, as well as the devastating effects of illicit weapons and drugs, which continue to afflict us to this day," he said.
Mr Qureshi said Pakistan's resolute fight against militancy was evoking a stiff backlash manifested in repeated attacks and suicide bombings targeting its security personnel and innocent civilians.
"Our economy continues to incur losses to the tune of billions of dollars, yet our resolve remains undiminished because it is a matter of standing up for your principles and facing the consequences that come in its wake," he said.
Like Ms Clinton, he too referred to ups and downs in the relationship. "Whenever the relationship between the United States and Pakistan has frayed, the interests of both our nations have suffered. Whenever we have worked together, both our nations and the world have benefited," he remarked.
He said the Dialogue offered an opportunity to craft the vision of a broad-based, long-term, and enduring partnership for the 21st century.
"Such a partnership we are convinced is good for Pakistan, good for America, and good for international peace, security, and prosperity. Such a partnership is important because Pakistan is a pivotal state with over 170 million people, rich in human and national endowment, full of huge untapped natural and energy resources awaiting extraction, strategically located at the crossroads of South Asia, Central Asia, and the Middle East, and representing a democratic and moderate voice in the Islamic world. Such a partnership is necessary because Pakistan and the United States have a whole range of convergent interests, including fighting the twin menace of extremism and terrorism, stabilizing Afghanistan, promoting peace and stability in South Asia, linking the economic potential of South and Central Asia, curbing nuclear proliferation, and advancing progress and prosperity in the region and beyond," he said.
"Pakistan remains engaged in a consequential effort to turn the tide against extremism and build a future of promise and hope for its people. For us, this is and will remain a strategic and moral imperative," he said.
Mr Qureshi hoped the upgraded Dialogue would help both sides take the relationship to a strategic plane. "In this regard, our point of departure must remain that positive and robust engagement between Pakistan and the U.S. is critical for peace, stability, and prosperity in the region and beyond," he said.
He stressed the need for close people-to-people contacts and strong public support for the initiative to succeed.
"There are great expectations from the enterprise we are launching today. I’m conscious that it will not be without its challenges or complications either. There could be doubt from within, there will be smear from without, and there may be setbacks on the way. But I am confident that we have the requisite political will on both sides to pursue it successfully and to achieve concrete results because at the end of the day, it is in the mutual interest of our two nations to work together to advance our shared objectives. I assure you, that in the worthy cause of building an enduring partnership of mutual benefit between our two countries, we will meet you more than half the way," he added.
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US State Department Photos by Michael Gross.
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Drumbeat: March 24, 2010
[Green, Oil ] (The Oil Drum - Discussions about Energy and Our Future)Pemex Should Focus on Chicontepec Productivity, Commission Says (Bloomberg) -- Mexico’s Hydrocarbons Commission will recommend that Petroleos Mexicanos, the state-owned oil company, focus on improving productivity in its $11.1 billion Chicontepec project before drilling new wells, according to a commission member. Pemex slowed down Chicontepec drilling this year “and we won’t recommend any other cuts,” Commission Member Edgar Rangel said yesterday in an interview in Mexico City. The Me ...
Pemex Should Focus on Chicontepec Productivity, Commission Says(Bloomberg) -- Mexico’s Hydrocarbons Commission will recommend that Petroleos Mexicanos, the state-owned oil company, focus on improving productivity in its $11.1 billion Chicontepec project before drilling new wells, according to a commission member.
Pemex slowed down Chicontepec drilling this year “and we won’t recommend any other cuts,” Commission Member Edgar Rangel said yesterday in an interview in Mexico City.
The Mexico City-based oil company’s board is reevaluating the Chicontepec project after it missed output targets and drilling delays last year. Mexico’s National Hydrocarbons Commission may present as soon as this week its Chicontepec recommendations for Pemex, Rangel said.
Steve LeVine: Alaska: Confronting the Prospect of 6 Billion Barrels of Stranded Gas
Alaska -- and the so-called Sarah Palin pipeline -- are in the crosshairs of the abrupt surge of natural gas supplies in the continental United States. Leading the charge against a much-promoted pipeline to ship Alaskan natural gas into the currently glutted Lower 48 is former Sen. Ted Stevens. The locally influential Republican says the gas should be rerouted to Asia, and that if Alaska doesn't move fast, this fuel -- the equivalent of 6 billion barrels of oil -- could end up effectively stranded at home.
As the Oil Age Ends, A Return of the Canal and Rail Age?As the Oil Age is now set to end, and as the world transitions back to Coal and other forms of electrical power generation, a key concept to think about is the matter of rolling resistance. Those CSX Railroad (CSX) commercials you may have seen on television (opens to wmv video file), for example, are essentially highlighting the greater efficiency trains have, over trucks. But of course, in the taxonomy of efficient conveyance, water transportation is close to the top. For a quick and general comparison, the standard mileage per gallon of gasoline to move one ton of freight is often cited as follows: Trucks: 155; Railroads: 413; Ships/Barges: 576.
ConocoPhillips to half stake in LUKOILNEW YORK (AFP) – US oil group ConocoPhillips said Wednesday it planned to sell halve its stake in Russian oil producer LUKOIL as part of its move to sell 10 billion dollars of assets.
The US company currently owns 20 percent of equity in Russia's second-biggest oil producer.
China imports 300 times more Russian electricity in 2009 than in 2008The electricity China imported from Russia saw a surge in 2009, up more than 316 times than in 2008 to reach 738 million kilowatt-hours, according to the latest statistics from north China's Harbin Customs.
Urban development author: ‘Skyscrapers are over’Skyscrapers are old news, green spaces are useless and building parking lots is a waste of time — that was just part of a message the keynote speaker delivered to a roomful of businesspeople for Tuesday morning’s release of the annual State of Downtown Baltimore report.
But urban development author James Howard Kunstler also said that Baltimore is one of the “lucky” cities poised to adapt to the urban future. That’s good news for a crowd that had just finished flipping through a report commissioned by the Downtown Partnership of Baltimore showing that jobs, population and commercial real estate rentals and development were all down in 2009.
Cities emerging as epicentres of sustainabilityIt is no coincidence that RICS uses the concept of the 'city' as a vehicle for furthering the sustainability debate – just look around you. The Middle East is using the city as a way of housing growing populations and demonstrating growing economic influence in the world; China is doing the same, more aggressively, as it moves populations from the countryside into the city; and the west is using the city concept to test new ways of living, as San Francisco's sustainable and man-made Treasure Island shows.
I imagine that as we see the price of fossil fuels continue to rise we will see more and more dense urban areas built out of necessity. It would be nice if we could work to reform zoning laws to anticipate this need, perhaps through a country-wide ‘open-source new urbanism’ project. Such a project would provide local communities with the sort of strong, minimalist zoning laws needed to build more densely while preserving a natural aesthetic (and not succumbing to the Disneyfication of neighborhoods which so many upper-crust new urbanism projects fall prey to – though this is often a result of over-zoning our new urban areas rather than the type of minimalist planning that an organic community requires).
We will consider Pakistan's request for nuclear deal: HillaryIn the clearest sign yet from Washington, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton on Tuesday said the U.S. would “consider” Pakistan's request for a civil nuclear deal as Islamabad sought atomic cooperation and military hardware to bring itself on par with India.
However, her remarks were tempered with the rider that the civil nuclear deal with India did not happen “easily or quickly” and was the result of “many, many” years of strategic dialogue.
Nuclear power without radioactivityRadiation-free nuclear fusion could be possible in the future claim a team of international scientists. This could lead to development of clean and sustainable electricity production.
Despite the myriad of solutions to the energy crisis being developed, nuclear fusion remains the ultimate goal as it has the potential to provide vast quantities of sustainable and clean electricity. But nuclear energy currently comes with a serious environmental and health hazard side effect - radiation. For fusion to gain widespread acceptance, it must be able to produce radiation-free energy but the key to this has so far remained elusive, explains Heinrich Hora at the University of New South Wales in Sydney, Australia.
U.K. Failed to Secure Reactor Guarantee From EDF, Lawmakers Say(Bloomberg) -- The U.K. government, which last year divested its stake in British Energy when the utility was bought by Electricite de France SA, should have ensured the deal included guarantees on building nuclear plants, lawmakers said.
Exclusive Excerpt: Hack the PlanetThe battle lines on geoengineering have begun to take shape. On one side are modern-day romantics, who consider geoengineering an a priori violation of humans’ role as planetary citizens to let nature be natural and take a humble place within it. Better to solve the climate problem by reducing our impact on the planet, they say. Prominent among their antecedents is American forestry ecologist and writer Aldo Leopold, who asserted in A Sand County Almanac in 1949 that environmental problems demanded that man change his role from “conqueror of the land community to plain member and citizen of it.”
Bees in more trouble than ever after bad winter(AP) -- The mysterious 4-year-old crisis of disappearing honeybees is deepening. A quick federal survey indicates a heavy bee die-off this winter, while a new study shows honeybees' pollen and hives laden with pesticides.
Two federal agencies along with regulators in California and Canada are scrambling to figure out what is behind this relatively recent threat, ordering new research on pesticides used in fields and orchards. Federal courts are even weighing in this month, ruling that the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency overlooked a requirement when allowing a pesticide on the market.
Disputed isle in Bay of Bengal disappears into sea(AP) -- For nearly 30 years, India and Bangladesh have argued over control of a tiny rock island in the Bay of Bengal. Now rising sea levels have resolved the dispute for them: the island's gone.
New Moore Island in the Sunderbans has been completely submerged, said oceanographer Sugata Hazra, a professor at Jadavpur University in Calcutta. Its disappearance has been confirmed by satellite imagery and sea patrols, he said.
"What these two countries could not achieve from years of talking, has been resolved by global warming," said Hazra.
Housewives in China encouraged to live low-carbon lifeThe event suggests citizens have 15 energy-saving habits, such as saving on water, using recyclable bags for shopping, and not drinking bottled drinks.
Peter Foster: The church of Peak OilThe problem with Peak Oil the theory isn’t that it’s wrong in noting that industry depletes resources, and that oil may, sooner or later, reach a production plateau, it’s that it sees those facts through a moralistically-charged and economically-challenged lens. It also embodies extraordinary faith in Big Government and grass roots activism.
PO Theorists fail — or more precisely refuse — to grasp that the best method of dealing with any form of commercial scarcity is market-based ingenuity, not some weird combination of Big Brother and Hippie co-ops.
The United Kingdom's Energy Security DebateThe ITPOES report is broad in scope but focuses on several issue areas that, if corrections are made, can have a positive impact on UK energy security. Among these issue areas are: transport and mobility, the impact of oil in the agricultural sector on food and food prices (and incidentally on water usage and clean water availability), and the changing nature of power generation and distribution. Their report’s recommendations support a number of policy responses that will reduce the demand for oil in an attempt to bring demand into equilibrium with the physical rate at which oil can be extracted (as opposed to predicting a terminal decline in oil availability itself). The ITPOES report is pessimistic on this last point, given the long lead time it will take to move off an oil economy.
Peak oil coming soon? Let’s see what it might look likeThe words “peak oil” are being heard more often these days, and in increasingly exalted corridors, but what do they actually mean? Mere inconvenience and higher prices at the pump? Or TEOTWAWKI (for “the end of the world as we know it”)?
Let’s look at some of the scenarios various experts have have imagined:
Oil Falls for First Time in Three Days on U.S. Supplies, Dollar(Bloomberg) -- Crude oil declined for the first time in three days after an industry report showed U.S. stockpiles at an eight-month high, indicating demand may be slow to recover in the world’s biggest fuel market.
Oil pared yesterday’s advance after the American Petroleum Institute reported that U.S. crude inventories increased by 7.51 million barrels to 351.5 million. An Energy Department report today may show supplies rose 1.65 million barrels, the eighth weekly gain, according to a Bloomberg News survey of analysts. The dollar jumped to a 10-month high against the euro, damping the investment appeal of commodities.
“Demand is improving in line with the gradual recovery of the economy, but it’s still weak and behind more normal levels for this time of year,” said Thina Saltvedt, a commodities analyst at Nordea Bank AB in Oslo.
'Kurdistan ready for oil exports'Iraq's Kurdistan region is ready to start exporting oil at a rate of 100,000 barrels per day as soon as a new Iraq government is formed, its Natural Resources Minister Ashti Hawrami said today.
Aramco, Total to Raise Refinery Financing in ‘Months’(Bloomberg) -- Saudi Aramco, the world’s largest state-owned oil company, and Total SA expect to raise $8 billion in debt financing for a joint refinery and petrochemical project in the “coming months,” the venture’s chief said.
The 400,000 barrel-a-day refinery in Jubail on Saudi Arabia’s Persian Gulf coast will cost more than $12 billion, Salem Shaheen, chief executive officer of Saudi Aramco Total Refining and Petrochemical Co., said at a World Refining Association conference in Abu Dhabi today.
China's oil-refining capacity to grow by 30 million tonsBased on the 30 million tons added to the oil-refining capacity last year, China's petroleum sector will add an additional 30 million-ton oil refining capacity in 2010, reporters learned from the 15th China International LPG Seminar currently underway in Qingdao.
According to industry experts, China National Offshore Oil Corporation, Sinopec and China National Petroleum Corporation completed the construction of oil-refining facilities in Huizhou, Guangdong province, Fujian province and Dushanzi, Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region in 2009. This increased the oil refining capacity by 30 million tons.
O’Malley, Undeterred by Refiners’ Problems, Considers Buying(Bloomberg) -- Thomas O’Malley, the chairman of European refiner Petroplus Holdings AG, is on the hunt for U.S. refining assets as he seeks to take advantage of plants hurt by depressed prices and shrinking profits.
“I’m interested in refining assets across the U.S.,” he said in an interview at the National Petrochemical and Refiners Association conference in Phoenix. He expects more companies will be putting plants up for sale as they wrestle with diminished demand for gasoline and diesel.
BG Group, China Sign Australia’s Biggest LNG Deal(Bloomberg) -- China National Offshore Oil Corp. will buy liquefied natural gas from BG Group Plc’s Queensland Curtis venture in Australia’s largest export deal for the fuel.
The companies signed an agreement in Beijing today to supply 3.6 million metric tons of LNG annually over 20 years starting 2014, Australian Energy Minister Martin Ferguson said in a statement. The value of the deal would fluctuate with the price of crude oil, and be $40 billion at $70 a barrel, BG Chief Executive Officer Frank Chapman said.
Chevron unit says Russian law ‘may impede' explorationRussia's law on foreign investment in strategic sectors “may impede” oil exploration because of the security procedure for license winners, the head of Chevron Corp.'s Russian unit said.
Lukoil Swings to Fourth-Quarter Profit, Misses Estimates(Bloomberg) -- OAO Lukoil, Russia’s second-largest oil company, posted a fourth-quarter profit following a loss a year earlier after crude prices rose.
The volume of Russian gas transit through Ukraine to Europe rose 70.3% to 18.9 billion cubic metres in the first two months of the year, Ukraine's Fuel & Energy Ministry said today.
BP Says Devon’s Brazil Assets Will Yield 100,000 Barrels a Day(Bloomberg) -- BP Plc’s Brazil assets, purchased from Devon Energy Corp. this month, will produce at least 100,000 barrels of oil a day by the end of the decade, said Doug Suttles, chief operating officer of exploration and production.
“The long-term view is that Brazil needs to be a multi- 100,000 barrel a day business,” Suttles said in an interview in Utrecht, Netherlands yesterday. “If we didn’t believe that that potential was there, we wouldn’t have done the deal.”
Venezuela Asks Electricity Heads to Resign, Noticias24 Reports(Bloomberg) -- Venezuela’s Electricity Minister Ali Rodriguez asked the heads of seven public energy companies to resign, Noticias24 reported, after President Hugo Chavez declared a national electricity crisis last month.
NTPC Can’t Sell Power at Market Rates, Economic Times ReportsState-controlled NTPC should focus on generating power from wind and solar energy sources rather than making profit by selling power at market prices, the newspaper said citing Brahma.
Pakistan to Increase Fuel, Electricity Prices Next Month: Dawn(Bloomberg) -- Pakistan’s government will increase prices of domestic fuel and electricity from next month, the Dawn newspaper said, without saying where it got the information.
Decision on wildflower protection expected soonDENVER — A federal judge said he'll decide quickly whether the government erred in not giving protection to a wildflower that grows only in one place in the world — oil shale outcroppings in northeast Utah and northwest Colorado.
Peak Oil Investments I'm Putting My Money On: Part III, Natural Gas VehiclesTo understand why we should not expect too much from NGVs, I find it useful to start with the reasons proponents expect that NGVs should be able to displace oil. T. Boone Pickens is the leading proponent of this strategy, so let's take the main points from his Pickens Plan.
Norwegian Automaker Peddles Its RunaboutWith the Bay Area expected to be an early proving ground for the electric car economy, an executive from Think, the Norwegian automaker, rolled into town in the company’s battery-powered City urban runabout.
Higher-profile electric vehicles like the Nissan Leaf and Chevrolet Volt will go on sale here later this year, and Think wants to make sure its car gets space in municipal and corporate garages.
Shadow cast on 'free' energy saving light bulbsEnergy suppliers with more than 50,000 customers (currently only the ‘big six’ of British Gas, EDF, Eon, Npower, Scottish & Southern, and Scottish Power) have to help their customers pay for energy efficiency measures, such as cavity wall insulation and loft insulation. According to the government’s own figures, sending four free bulbs to 345 households (1,377 bulbs in total) saves 68.83 tonnes of CO2 over the lifetime of the bulbs (provided they’re used in high-use fittings), saves each household £14 a year, and costs the supplier £1,886.
For the same money, an energy supplier could make a 20% contribution (the amount the government assumes suppliers will put in) towards the cost of solid wall insulation for one of Britain’s 6.6m old and poorly-insulated solid-wall properties. This would cut a typical household’s gas bill by £420 a year, and save the same amount of CO2 as all those bulbs put together – assuming that all of them do actually get used.
Energy-efficient homes make householders complacentSURVEYS of hundreds of UK households reveal that people who have made their houses more energy efficient are more likely to indulge in small excesses - turning up the heating, for example, or keeping it on for longer.
Small excesses add up to large costs. The results of the studies - seven of them in total - suggest that such energy creep could wipe out as much as half of the anticipated savings from making homes more energy efficient.
Dry rivers cut power supply in south-west ChinaBeijing - Low water levels at hydropower plants have caused electricity shortages in parts of south-western China, adding to the devastation brought by the worst drought for 60 years, state media said on Wednesday.
The drought 'paralyzed 90 per cent of hydropower stations' in the Guangxi region, which relies heavily on hydroelectric power, the China Daily newspaper reported.
The water level above Guangxi's key Baise dam had fallen to a record low of less than 190 metres, forcing officials to suspend outflow to the Pearl River in the neighbouring province of Guangdong, the newspaper said.
Ships Can Cut Third From Emissions by Slowing, Lobby Group Says(Bloomberg) -- The global shipping industry can cut a third off its emissions by better utilizing an oversupply of vessels competing for cargoes, a lobby group said.
How and Why the Northeastern US States' Cap and Trade is WorkingAround this time last year, as talks in Congress about how to curb carbon and give clean energy and jobs a boost were intensifying, I briefly exhorted Obama to take a gander at the cap and trade system already up and running in the United States. Called the Regional Greenhouse Gas Initiative, it's a system enacted between 10 northeastern states to curb carbon via the familiar cap and trade mechanism. It's been up and running for six years now--and it's working.
Senate climate bill details still unfinished(Reuters) - Senators negotiating a bill to address global warming fears and encourage the use of more alternative energy in the United States struggled over details on Tuesday as lawmakers approached a two-week break without a full legislative proposal yet in hand.
E.P.A. to Seek More Data on EmissionsWASHINGTON — The Environmental Protection Agency has proposed adding the oil and gas sector and facilities that inject carbon dioxide into the ground to the greenhouse gas sources that are required to report their annual emissions to the government.
Rising waters threaten Nile DeltaAs the sea on Egypt's coastline rises, (Hamza says by 20cm during the last century, a statistic that leading Egyptian government scientists concur with) salt-water infiltrates the Delta's soil from below, and destroys the farming land.
The consequences of this are very serious for Egypt, which relies on the Delta for food production.
Today, as Egypt's population continues to grow, and as it spends more and more money on food imports, the country cannot afford to lose any more productive land. Gesturing to the salty wastes around me, Hamza says: "It is a human disaster, an economic disaster, an agricultural disaster, and it will lead not only to poverty but also to hunger".
Greenland ice sheet losing mass on northwest coast(PhysOrg.com) -- Ice loss from the Greenland ice sheet, which has been increasing during the past decade over its southern region, is now moving up its northwest coast, according to a new international study.
Population growth should be curbed: conservationist GoodallLONDON (AFP) – Humans should have fewer babies to help the global battle against climate change, according to the renowned British primatologist and conservationist Jane Goodall.
Goodall, whose 1960s research on chimpanzees changed perceptions of relations between humans and animals, fears the controversial issue has slipped down the agenda in the debate about man's impact on the environment.
"It's very frustrating as people don't want to address this topic," said the 75-year-old English scientist. "It's our population growth that underlies just about every single one of the problems that we've inflicted on the planet."
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Unsound and Unfit -- By: Edward Whelan
[Right-Wing, Politics, Law] (Articles on National Review Online)This afternoon, the Senate Judiciary Committee is scheduled to conduct its confirmation hearing for Berkeley law professor Goodwin Liu. Liu, who was nominated by President Obama to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit, presents a volatile mix of aggressive left-wing ideology and raw inexperience. It’s the rare nominee who could threaten to make the Ninth Circuit -- long the laughingstock of the federal appellate courts -- even worse, but that’s exactly the threat that Liu embodie ...
This afternoon, the Senate Judiciary Committee is scheduled to conduct its confirmation hearing for Berkeley law professor Goodwin Liu. Liu, who was nominated by President Obama to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit, presents a volatile mix of aggressive left-wing ideology and raw inexperience. It’s the rare nominee who could threaten to make the Ninth Circuit -- long the laughingstock of the federal appellate courts -- even worse, but that’s exactly the threat that Liu embodies.
Let me first acknowledge what is not at issue: Liu is clearly very bright and talented, and he has compiled an impressive list of achievements, including a Rhodes Scholarship and a clerkship with Justice Ginsburg. As the son of Taiwanese immigrants, he has an inspiring life story. And he possesses a pleasing demeanor.
But as Liu himself stated in his testimony against the confirmation of Justice Alito, “Intellect, however, is a necessary but not sufficient credential.” Nor, of course, do an inspiring life story and a pleasing demeanor go to the core of the judicial role. Rather, what ought to be of central concern, as Liu rightly put it, is “the nominee’s ‘judicial philosophy,’ a somewhat amorphous term that encompasses his perspective on the role of the courts in a constitutional democracy.”
The record of the typical nominee reveals only indirect -- though often highly probative -- clues about the nominee’s judicial philosophy. But in Liu’s case, we are not limited to the broad set of inferences that can reasonably be drawn from, say, his longtime membership on (and current chairmanship of) the board of directors of the American Constitution Society -- which calls itself “one of the nation’s leading progressive legal organizations” -- or from his service on the boards of directors of such organizations as the ACLU of Northern California, the National Women’s Law Center, the Public Welfare Foundation, and Chinese for Affirmative Action.
Beyond such indirect evidence, we have the nominee’s own lengthy confession of his views -- his self-indictment. Take, for example, the book, pleadingly titled Keeping Faith with the Constitution, in which Liu and his two fellow-lefty co-authors try to slap the deceptive label “constitutional fidelity” on the shoddy “living Constitution” gambit that proponents of liberal judicial activism have used to redefine the Constitution to mean whatever they want it to mean. In malleable terms that would make Bill Clinton a model of marital fidelity, Liu explains, “What we mean by fidelity is that the Constitution should be interpreted in ways that adapt its principles and its text to the challenges and conditions of our society in every succeeding generation.” Liu is able to attack originalism -- the genuinely faithful method of constitutional interpretation -- only by misrepresentations and distortions.
Wonder of wonders, Liu’s freewheeling constitutional approach yields a plethora of extreme left-wing results, including his support for the invention of a federal constitutional right to same-sex marriage. Also noteworthy is his denunciation of the traditional American principles of “free enterprise,” “private ownership of property,” and “limited government” as “code words for an ideological agenda hostile to environmental, workplace, and consumer protections” (see point 3 here).
Perhaps most striking, in part because Liu presents his position as so modest, is his law-review article “Rethinking Constitutional Welfare Rights,” which argues that judges (usually in an “interstitial” role) may legitimately invent constitutional rights to a broad range of social “welfare” goods, including education, shelter, subsistence, and health care. To be sure, it’s easy to be numbed by Liu’s soporific rhetoric in passages like this one:My thesis is that the legitimacy of judicial recognition of welfare rights depends on socially situated modes of reasoning that appeal not to transcendent moral principles for an ideal society, but to the culturally and historically contingent meanings of particular social goods in our own society.#...#I argue that judicial recognition of welfare rights is best conceived as an act of interpreting the shared understandings of particular welfare goods as they are manifested in our institutions, laws, and evolving social practices.
Or this one:
The problem for courts is to determine, at the moment of decision, whether our collective values on a given issue have converged to a degree that they can be persuasively crystallized and credibly absorbed into legal doctrine. This difficult task requires keen attention to the trajectory of social norms reflected in public policies, institutions, and practices, as well as predictive judgment as to how a judicial decision may help forge or frustrate a social consensus.
But the vast discretionary judicial role that Liu urges -- one that reduces Congress and the state legislatures to quasi-administrative bodies -- fundamentally misunderstands (to restate Liu’s test of judicial philosophy) “the role of the courts in a constitutional democracy.” And the recklessness Liu would show in wielding judicial power is evident from his breezy conclusion that his proposed approach to constitutional welfare rights would invalidate Congress’s method for allocating federal funds to states for the education of low-income children and would also strike down California’s system of school finance.
It gets even worse. Some folks have evidently misconstrued Liu’s position on school choice as an exception to his hard-Left record on constitutional issues. But Liu supports only those school-choice programs that advance his goal of racial quotas in schools, and he views even those programs as a second-best alternative to his preferred means of direct judicial imposition of interdistrict racial-balancing orders. (Busing, anyone? Ah, yes, that’s the cure to our educational ills. Just make those four-year-olds spend three hours a day on the bus.) It’s highly doubtful that Liu considers any other sort of school-choice program to be constitutionally permissible.
Liu is pressing to revive “the idea of remedying societal discrimination as a justification for affirmative action,” an idea that, as Justice Powell warned in 1986, would result in forever “imposing discriminatory legal remedies that work against innocent people.” To Liu, the innocent victims of racial preferences count for nothing. As he bluntly puts it, “if it seems like the cumulative effects of societal discrimination will take a long time to remedy, that is because it will.” For Liu, concerns that “remedying societal discrimination#...#has no foreseeable endpoint” are nothing more than (as he quotes Justice Brennan) “a fear of too much justice.” Hence also his call for all Americans to make sacrifices as reparations for slavery.
Liu’s woeful inexperience compounds his deficiencies of judicial philosophy. He is only 39, and he has even less experience than his age might suggest. He has been a member of the bar for less than eleven years, and he practiced law for less than two years. Under a neutral application of the ABA’s rules -- i.e., “a prospective nominee to the federal bench ordinarily should have at least twelve years’ experience in the practice of law,” and “substantial courtroom and trial experience as a lawyer or trial judge is important” -- Liu would presumptively receive a “not qualified” rating and be very fortunate to eke out a “qualified.” But somehow the ABA’s process was jiggered to give Liu the ridiculous rating of “well qualified.”
To top it all off, Liu made a wildly distorted and incompetent, if not deliberately dishonest, attack on John Roberts’s nomination to the Supreme Court, and he offered demagogic testimony against Samuel Alito’s nomination. Those facts alone ought to be enough to disqualify a nominee, yet they haven’t kept Liu from eagerly plotting his path to a Ninth Circuit seat as a stepping-stone to his goal of a Supreme Court nomination.
Goodwin Liu has amply shown that he has an unsound judicial philosophy and that he cannot be trusted with judicial power. His nomination should be vigorously contested and defeated.
— Edward Whelan is president of the Ethics and Public Policy Center and is a regular contributor to NRO’s “Bench Memos” blog, where he has written extensively about the Liu nomination.
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Mission Impossible: Government to Attack U.S. Drug Demand
[Blacks] (Black Entertainment, Money, Style and Beauty Blogs - Black Voices)Filed under: News, Politics, President Obama U.S. officials are finally acknowledging what the governments of Mexico, Columbia and other drug exporting nations have been saying for years: your domestic drug problem is of your own making. Starting in earnest with the 1980's "Just Say No to Drugs" campaign under President Ronald Reagan, the U.S. government has spent billions of dollars to stem the flow of illegal drugs in to America. But foreign governments have replied that the most effective wa ...
Filed under: News, Politics, President Obama

U.S. officials are finally acknowledging what the governments of Mexico, Columbia and other drug exporting nations have been saying for years: your domestic drug problem is of your own making.
Starting in earnest with the 1980's "Just Say No to Drugs" campaign under President Ronald Reagan, the U.S. government has spent billions of dollars to stem the flow of illegal drugs in to America.
But foreign governments have replied that the most effective way to decrease the flow of drugs would be to cut the demand for drugs here. That has proved mission impossible for the government as domestic drug use has fallen off in some categories but, overall, remains a problem.
And in Mexico, the flow of drugs in to the United States is coupled with a flow of weapons in to Mexico, which has sent violence rates in cities there soaring as powerful drug cartels battle for supremacy.
Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton signaled a new spirit of cooperation with Mexican officials (pictured above with a Mexican official), saying the U.S. government will now accept its share of responsibility for drug use here and violence there.
Clinton added that the United States would soon release a new policy designed to reduce drug demand.
To me, this is where the good words of the administration will fall flat after smacking in to the realities of life in America.
How will the government stop people from using recreational drugs? Unless it is willing to at least discuss the possibility of some drug decriminalization (Clinton said decriminalizing narcotics was not under consideration), I don't see it happening in our lifetimes.
For far too many people, the use of drugs is a regular part of life. They may be illegal drugs, such as marijuana, or legal intoxicants, such as alcohol, but they now have a permanent role in the lives of millions.
The problem is that we are getting mixed messages on drugs in this country.
Look at how medical marijuana initiatives are spreading through the country. If so many state governments are acknowledging the benefits of marijuana use for some, why is it still treated as a dangerous drug.
U.S. policy on drugs is a confused mess. We know the current system of drug enforcement doesn't work.
I think it's time to think about a new policy of limited decriminalization to see some different results.
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Midweek Special: NYC Restaurant Review Roundup
[New York City, NY, New York City] (Gothamist)Chin Chin This week Sam Sifton at the Times pens a muted love letter to Chin Chin, an upscale Chinese restaurant on East 49th Street that's been in business since 1987. And although "a certain roughness to the plating of the food makes the place a little more casual than perhaps was the idea in the original business plan," Sifton says the old dowager's still got it: "Order a dry martini and allow the pressures of the city to recede in its glow. Chin Chin is as American as pork dumplings and stic ...
This week Sam Sifton at the Times pens a muted love letter to Chin Chin, an upscale Chinese restaurant on East 49th Street that's been in business since 1987. And although "a certain roughness to the plating of the food makes the place a little more casual than perhaps was the idea in the original business plan," Sifton says the old dowager's still got it: "Order a dry martini and allow the pressures of the city to recede in its glow. Chin Chin is as American as pork dumplings and sticky spareribs, cold noodles with sesame sauce, three-glass chicken and fried rice." In the Times's $25 and Under column, Ligaya Mishan enjoys "an all-star lineup of soups" at Pilar, a tiny Cuban restaurant on the border of Clinton Hill and Bed-Stuy.
Chin Chin"The world has never known a more perfect meatball hero," declares Robert Sietsema at the Village Voice, in his review of The Meatball Shop on the Lower East Side. "While the $9 price tag may seem excessive, especially with a similar-size hero available at every pizza parlor in town for $5 or $6, note that this one comes with a baby spinach salad topped with lemon vinaigrette and thinly sliced apples, transforming your hero into a balanced meal." His Voice colleague Sarah DiGregorio files from Jackson Heights, where she reports, "There's only one place I know where you can get Bangladeshi trotter stew and Tibetan spiced tripe in the same room, and that's Merit Kabob and Dumpling Palace, an accurately named compound restaurant in Jackson Heights."
The New Yorker's Lauren Collins finally gets around to A Voce Columbus in the Time Warner Center, which just isn't punk enough for her. "As corporate as it gets... A Voce has its pleasures: light, space, cheery if scripted service—'I’m sorry to be inhospitable,' a host said, before refusing to seat an incomplete party, and, then, hospitably, thinking the better of it. It’s a Fresh Air Fund of a restaurant, inducing in New Yorkers the comfort and boredom they would feel in Scottsdale or Charlotte."
New York features a glowing twofer review of Saltie and Cheeky, which "may sound like the headliners of some downtown burlesque show, or maybe Snow White’s eighth and ninth dwarves. In fact, they’re two new sandwich shops, a category that’s experiencing almost unchecked growth in these recessionary times. These two, though, stand out from the pack, mostly because they deliver something distinctive and delicious, in modest surroundings that are still imbued with their owners’ personality and passion."
"Mile End, a two-month-old restaurant in Boerum Hill, Brooklyn, may be the first restaurant to bring the Montreal deli tradition to New York City," declares Time Out's Gabriella Gershenson, herself a onetime Montreal resident. "Mile End showcases some of the country’s most beloved regional specialties—smoked meat, Montreal-style bagels and yes, poutine—with Brooklyn flavor: The coffee is Stumptown, the cream cheese is Ben’s, and the brisket is from Pat LaFrieda. The subway-tiled space, with its few picnic-style tables and sparse counter seating, is in line with the borough’s DIY aesthetic, and the waitresses are dressed in subdued librarian tones. The restaurant does for Canadian cuisine what Frankies did for Italian—it’s hipsterfying it."
Mile EndAnd GQ's Alan Richman luxuriates in Francophilia at midtown east bistro La Mangeoire, an "ever-so-unassuming establishment" which "has been in business since 1976, but never with anybody like Christian Delouvrier in the kitchen...For a chef as talented as Delouvrier (Parker Meridien, Alain Ducasse’s Les Celebrities, Lespinasse) a geographic adjustment is hardly a problem, particularly on the bistro level, which is where La Mangeoire operates. The challenge is the obvious downscale in grandeur—to be honest, La Mangeoire has none. And yet there you will find Delouvrier, not simply cooking but in the kitchen at lunch and dinner almost every day."

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If there's some kind of US - Israel "crises" perhaps it's Bibi's fault?
[Judaism] (DovBear)COMMENT SPECIAL RELATIONSHIPS by David Remnick MARCH 29, 2010 For decades, mainstream Israeli politicians have taken pride in their fingertip feel for the subtleties of American life and politics. Israeli diplomats know the meeting halls of the Midwest almost as well as they do the breakfast room at the Regency Hotel. So it has been disturbing to see, during the 2008 Presidential race and after, that some right-wing members of the Israeli political élite, along with some ordinary Israelis ...
COMMENT
SPECIAL RELATIONSHIPS
by David Remnick
MARCH 29, 2010
For decades, mainstream Israeli politicians have taken pride in their fingertip feel for the subtleties of American life and politics. Israeli diplomats know the meeting halls of the Midwest almost as well as they do the breakfast room at the Regency Hotel. So it has been disturbing to see, during the 2008 Presidential race and after, that some right-wing members of the Israeli political élite, along with some ordinary Israelis, often seem to derive their most acute sense of Barack Obama from Fox News and the creepier nooks of the blogosphere.
Polls and conversations with right-leaning Israelis have long reflected a distrust of Obama and a free-floating anxiety about what they imagine to be his view of the world—specifically, his indifference to Israel. At the margins, and sometimes within them, one even hears the familiar aspersions about the President’s middle name, his childhood interlude in Indonesia, and his marination in a South Side milieu supposedly composed of incendiary preachers, black nationalists, fading Weathermen, and (Oy! Vey ist mir!) Palestinian intellectuals.
Most Israelis were convinced of Bill Clinton’s capacity to reconcile a deep admiration for Israel with a desire to end the occupation of the conquered territories and the suffering of the Palestinians. The Israeli right certainly appreciated George W. Bush for his unquestioning embrace, though most Israeli politicians say they would have preferred that more attention had been paid to the nuclear plants in Iran than to the phantom weapons in Baghdad. In Obama, however, many Israelis think that they are dealing with an American leader who, as one official put it, “has no special feeling for us.” Obama’s customary cool feels icy.
This month’s diplomatic drama, which was set off during Vice-President Biden’s visit by the announcement of sixteen hundred housing units planned for Ramat Shlomo, a neighborhood in East Jerusalem, reached its sad nadir last week, when Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s brother-in-law, Hagai Ben-Artzi, declared on Israeli radio that Obama was an “anti-Semite.” No one, not even Netanyahu, should be denied his right to an idiot relation, but the remark is less readily dismissed when one recalls reports (later denied) that the Prime Minister himself has referred to David Axelrod (whose West Wing office featured an “Obama for President” sign in Hebrew) and Rahm Emanuel (a civilian volunteer in the Israeli Army during the first Gulf War) as “self-hating Jews.”
The Netanyahu government suffers from a troubling degree of instability, thanks to its far-right coalition partners (including its bigoted foreign minister, Avigdor Lieberman) and its ineptitude. The insult to Biden, an ardent Zionist, was just the most recent blunder, following the humiliation of a resident diplomat from Turkey (Israel’s closest friend in the Muslim world) and of the Brazilian President, to say nothing of its presumed role in the assassination of a Hamas military leader on the soil of one of the few open-minded countries in the region. The professionals in Washington and Jerusalem share sufficient diplomatic agility to paper over this latest unpleasantness, but the memory of the trivial-seeming aspects of the dispute—the affronts, the lacerating phone calls—obscures a more unsettling pattern: a deep Israeli misreading of the President and an ignorance of the diversity of opinion among American Jews and in the United States in general.
Take Obama’s supposed indifference to Jews and the State of Israel. Among the many Chicagoans who are apt to find this idea hilarious is the one politician who has beaten him, Bobby Rush. In 2000, Obama, a bored member of the Illinois state senate, challenged Rush, a popular incumbent, for the seat in the state’s First Congressional District, on the South Side. Rush, a former leader of the Black Panthers, viewed Obama as the creation of cynical white liberals—particularly Jewish liberals, who constituted, in his term, a “cabal.”
As a rising politician with Ivy League connections, Obama had financial backing from all over, including from a class of young black entrepreneurs. But he has had Jewish mentors throughout his career. Philanthropists like Bettylu Saltzman, Penny Pritzker, and Lester Crown were crucial to his campaigns. His friend and neighbor the late Arnold Jacob Wolf was a rabbi. Michelle Obama’s cousin Capers C. Funnye, Jr., is the first African-American member of the Chicago Board of Rabbis and the spiritual leader of Beth Shalom, a congregation on the South Side. One of Obama’s closest colleagues in Springfield was Ira Silverstein, an Orthodox Jew, with whom he shared an office suite in the Capitol building; Obama acted as Silverstein’s shabbos goy, turning on lights and pushing elevator buttons for him on Saturdays.
Obama’s Jewish friends and supporters report that they were convinced of his ease among Jews and of his advocacy for a two-state solution, with an emphasis on justice for the Palestinians and on real security for the Israelis. Obama also listened carefully to the arguments of Palestinian friends, such as the historian Rashid Khalidi. And why not? Obama told fund-raising audiences that it was entirely possible to support Israel, even passionately, without endorsing the platform of Likud and the occupation of Gaza and the West Bank. One of his mentors in Chicago, Abner Mikva, a former congressman, federal judge, and counsel to Bill Clinton, jokingly told the Chicago Jewish News during the campaign, “I think when this is all over, people are going to say that Barack Obama is the first Jewish president.” O.K., not quite, but he did win seventy-eight per cent of the Jewish vote. Only African-Americans voted for him in higher numbers.
In Israel, however, Netanyahu’s Likud-led government strangely misperceives the currents of American opinion. Netanyahu and his ministers are in the habit of speaking directly to adoring audiences at AIPAC and other groups led by older, conservative philanthropists; they largely overlook younger, more liberal constituencies, which for years have been more questioning of Israel policy. They have shown distinctly less affection for J Street, the newly formed lobbying group intended as a counterweight to AIPAC.
In fairness, many Americans see Israeli politics in atavistic terms, too, yearning for a Labor Party that shattered long ago. Even as they rightly deplore the injustice of the occupation and last year’s war in Gaza, they fail to recognize the complexity of trying to reach a final resolution when the Palestinians are so deeply and ruinously divided and when so many Israeli supporters of a two-state solution have, after Oslo, Camp David, and Taba, despaired of getting a workable deal.
The essential question for Israel is not whether it has the friendship of the White House—it does—but whether Netanyahu remains the arrogant rejectionist that he was in the nineteen-nineties, the loyal son of a radical believer in Greater Israel, forever settling scores with the old Labor élites and making minimal concessions to ward off criticism from Washington and retain the affections of his far-right coalition partners. Is he capable of engaging with the moderate and constructive West Bank leadership of Mahmoud Abbas and Salam Fayyad, and making history? Does there exist a Netanyahu 2.0, a Nixon Goes to China figure who will act with an awareness that demographic realities—the growth not only of the Palestinian population in the territories but also of the Arab and right-wing Jewish populations in Israel proper—make the status quo untenable as well as unjust?
Without the creation of a viable contiguous Palestinian state, comprised of a land area equivalent to all of the West Bank and Gaza (allowing for land swaps), and with East Jerusalem as its capital, it is impossible to imagine a Jewish and democratic future for Israel. There is nothing the Israeli leadership could do to make the current fantasy of an indifferent American leadership become a reality faster than to get lost in the stubborn fantasy of sustaining the status quo. ♦
Read more: http://www.newyorker.com/talk/comment/2010/03/29/100329taco_talk_remnick?printable=true#ixzz0j6Z6MPIi
Search for more information about Big Bad Bibi at 4torah.com. -
Unkind Contributions
[Right-Wing, Politics] (The New Republic - All Feed)There was a piece in Politico last week that did an impressive job of simultaneously capturing and embodying why so much of America thinks our political system sucks. The headline read “Elite Donors Dodge the DNC,” and the gist was that the Obama administration has so badly bungled the care and feeding of big-money contributors that fat cat Dems aren’t flocking to write their party big checks at the same rate rich Republicans did when the Bushies ran this town. Oh, sure, Politi ...
There was a piece in Politico last week that did an impressive job of simultaneously capturing and embodying why so much of America thinks our political system sucks. The headline read “Elite Donors Dodge the DNC,” and the gist was that the Obama administration has so badly bungled the care and feeding of big-money contributors that fat cat Dems aren’t flocking to write their party big checks at the same rate rich Republicans did when the Bushies ran this town. Oh, sure, Politico acknowledges, “the DNC’s fundraising is humming along at a record pace,” but last year’s haul was nowhere near the level of money-grubbing achieved by the RNC under similar one-party rule. And a prime reason, Politico posits, is that only 10 percent of the president’s biggest fundraisers, many of whom are “chafing at not getting enough love from the administration,” have ponied up the max.
A special raspberry went out to the recently kicked-to-the-curb Desiree Rogers for, among other sins, failing to make sure important supporters got their White House Christmas cards. Another notable outrage was not inviting enough big donors to the state dinner for Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh. One dissed contributor huffed that the event was treated more like “a big staff party” than an opportunity to smooch the backsides of those who’d worked long and hard to fund Obama’s campaign. (Admittedly, the contributor didn’t put it in those exact terms.) More broadly, according to Politico’s interviews and its perusal of White House visitor logs, the Obamas have thus far failed to invite major funders to nearly as many private White House tours, holiday parties, Camp David sleepovers, and private legislative briefings as did their predecessors.
But all is not lost, Politico assures us. Among other signs that lessons are being learned in Obamaland, Rogers’s replacement will be Julianna Smoot, who “brings a variety of strengths to the job: She’s detail-oriented, she’s a strong manager, and she knows both the political and the donor worlds.” “A lot of things need to be fixed,” one White House insider confided.
Well, color me happy. How nice to hear that this administration will at last begin showing big donors the proper degree of pucker. By all means, screw change we can believe in. Let’s stick with the tried-and-true model of giving the most attention, access, and deference to those who fork over the most cash. Financially aiding a presidential candidate who shares your progressive governing vision is all well and good, but, honestly, what’s the point if the guy doesn’t invite you over for movie night from time to time?
I realize all the rich Dems who tirelessly squeezed checks out of their rich friends for the campaign just want to feel appreciated. Fat cats need love too. But wasn’t part of Obama’s explicit appeal his vow to move politics away from the business-as-usual, pay-for-access mentality? For big-money Dems to jump on that bandwagon and then get their panties in a bunch when Obama tries to stick with that whole “change” mantra suggests a pathological arrogance: I knew he’d keep all those other losers at arm’s length, but I assumed he’d make an exception for me.
Besides, didn’t much of America—including establishment Washington and high-minded liberals—spend several years loudly and self-righteously denouncing the oh-so-vulgar Clintons for taking donor maintenance to new and creative lows? I can remember the tut-tutting over the White House kaffeeklatsches like it was yesterday. And with all the finger-wagging about how Bill and Hill violated the sanctity of the Lincoln bedroom, you’d have thought the First Couple was running hookers out of the joint.
Today, it seems, we are supposed to be amazed at the way the Obama White House has dropped the ball on something so basic as sucking up. This, at least, is the breathless storyline being pedaled by Politico: If this president doesn’t climb down off his high horse and get busy “reenergizing major donors”—which the piece points out is “one of the quickest ways to fill the Democrats’ war chest”—slights like the forgotten holiday cards could result in “major repercussions in a year when the Democratic National Committee is going to need every possible resource to help the party’s congressional committees stave off major losses in the midterm elections.”
Indeed, to some degree, it’s hard to tell precisely how exercised big donors are versus how hard Politico is trying to generate buzz. Despite its alarmist frame, the piece is sprinkled with caveats—including that the DNC is, in fact, raising piles of cash, that it’s enjoying a rare funding edge over the RNC, that it is contending with other challenges (like the Obama-imposed prohibition on donations from lobbyists and PACs), and that most of the donors contacted say they do not feel neglected by the White House (although, what self-respecting liberal would admit to being miffed that his contribution hadn’t bought more ass-kissing?). So maybe, hopefully, this is at least partially a case of journalistic overreach. Plenty of donors surely wish Obama would pitch a little more woo their way, but the idea that a significant number would sit on their checkbooks out of pique is too depressing. With pathetic, self-important friends like that, who needs political enemies?
Michelle Cottle is a senior editor of The New Republic.
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This Week In Hip-Hop
[Washington, D.C.] (DCist)Tuesday: >> A release party for the "U Know Nando" mixtape will be held tonight at Bohemian Caverns, featuring Lyriciss, The Five One and a host of other local emcees. $10, 8 p.m. >> Atlanta alt-soul artist and Howard University alum Kev.O will be performing at Ben's Next Door. Free, 9 p.m. Wednesday: >> With a lot of buzz around them, Sweden's Little Dragon is coming back to town for a show at Liv. Joining them will be VV Brown, a British singer whose R&B; throwback style has been compared ...
Tuesday:
>> A release party for the "U Know Nando" mixtape will be held tonight at Bohemian Caverns, featuring Lyriciss, The Five One and a host of other local emcees. $10, 8 p.m.>> Atlanta alt-soul artist and Howard University alum Kev.O will be performing at Ben's Next Door. Free, 9 p.m.
Wednesday:
>> With a lot of buzz around them, Sweden's Little Dragon is coming back to town for a show at Liv. Joining them will be VV Brown, a British singer whose R&B; throwback style has been compared to Amy Winehouse. $18 in advance, 7:30 p.m.Thursday:
>> Grammy-winner Alicia Keys has been in the limelight for a decade now, hence her ability to book a show at the Verizon Center. Her "The Element of Freedom" tour includes two other R&B; stars, Robin Thicke and Melanie Fiona. $55-$128, 7:30 p.m.>> The "Afro-Beat for Ya Soul" party celebrates its one year anniversary in its own funky fashion. Along with regular DJ Underdog, the festivities will include Brooklyn-based band Ikebe Shakedown. The evening's venue is Bossa. $5, 9 p.m.
Friday:
>> "Art, Beats + Lyrics" is entering its sixth year as a traveling urban arts exhibit. With well over 30 artists on display, the program will take place at Andrew W. Mellon Auditorium. Free, 7 p.m.>> Paying homage to one of D.C.'s fallen dance clubs, "Red Fridays" intends to be a weekly event featuring house music. DJs Meistro and Deep Sang will provide the sounds at one of the city's newest venues, the U Street Music Hall. $10, 9 p.m.
Saturday:
>> The documentary film Copyright Criminals (pictured) delves into the tricky world of hip-hop, sampling and copyright law. In it, the filmmakers talk with the likes of De La Soul, Digital Underground and George Clinton about the idea of who owns a sound. A screening is planned at the Historical Society of Washington (801 K Street NW) as part of the Hip Hop Cinema Cafe series, and followed by a panel discussion featuring local attorneys and artists. Free, 2 p.m.>> Making up for their snowed-out show Valentine's Day weekend, Lalah Hathaway, Rahsaan Patterson, Wayna and Gordon Chambers will be at Constitution Hall. $65, 7 p.m.
>> One of the new kids on the hip-hop block, Pittsburgh native Wiz Khalifa, will take the 9:30 Club's stage. Joining him will be Jasmine Solano and Yelawolf. $15, 7 p.m.
>> Writing, singing and married partners Ashford and Simpson will bring their decades of musical collaboration to the Birchmere. $65, 7:30 p.m.

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The great American refusal
[Citizen Journalism] (openDemocracy)There was a time, during the presidency of James Monroe (1817-25), that came to be called the “era of good feelings”. When Barack Obama was elected president of the United States, tens of millions of Americans shared his own dream: that after the rage and bitterness of the previous administration, another such era would return. Nothing of the kind has occurred: as the president’s health-reform plan struggles past the finishing-post, partisan bitterness is sharper than ever. Washington vete ...
There was a time, during the presidency of James Monroe (1817-25), that came to be called the “era of good feelings”. When Barack Obama was elected president of the United States, tens of millions of Americans shared his own dream: that after the rage and bitterness of the previous administration, another such era would return.
Nothing of the kind has occurred: as the president’s health-reform plan struggles past the finishing-post, partisan bitterness is sharper than ever. Washington veterans cannot remember a time when the political atmosphere was as noxious as it is today.
There were disgraceful scenes at the Capitol as the Senate health-insurance reform bill - important, though a much depleted version of what the president originally wanted - passed narrowly by 219-212, and without a single Republican vote in favour. Republican congressmen conducted frenzied protesters from the balcony of the House of Representatives as if they were bandleaders. African-American congressmen were insulted and even spat upon. The Republican leadership shouted defiance as their followers screamed “socialism!” at the president of the United States.
Such behaviour was all the more striking as the president had “reached across the aisle” in search of bipartisan action to address the national emergency of millions of Americans facing their daily lives without the security of health-protection (see James A Morone & Lawrence R Jacobs, "American sickness: diagnosis and cure", 16 October 2007). He has found virtually no response from Republicans. The shrill abuse of the rightwing blogosphere; the relentless hostility of the conservative shock-jocks and TV broadcasters; and now the fervent partisans of the “tea-party” movement - all this creates a sort of competitive cacophony of suspicious denunciation of the president and liberals of every stripe. Their absolutism of temperament is more than matched by many liberals, who - already bruised by the failure of Barack Obama to live up to the hopes raised during his candidacy - refuse to acknowledge the existence of wisdom, patriotism or even reason in any of their conservative adversaries (see “Barack Obama and America”, 12 March 2010).
Some analysts express the belief that the passage of the weakened healthcare-reform bill will help to clear the fetid air. The precedent of the financial-stimulus package in February 2009 suggests otherwise. There too Congress passed significant legislation, albeit the bare minimum demanded by the scale of the economic crisis; but the result has if anything only intensified the atmosphere of partisan animosity in Washington.
It is just possible that tempers were as sour and enmities as raw during Senator Joseph McCarthy’s zealous pursuit of “reds” in the fear-filled early 1950s. But I was in Washington during the Vietnam years - indeed for much of the time in the cockpit that was the Washington Post’s newsroom - and even at that period of national convulsion the atmosphere did not reach the sulphurous toxicity of 2010 (see Ronald Brownstein, The Second Civil War: How Extreme Partisanship Has Paralyzed Washington and Polarized America [Penguin, 2008]).
There are, I suggest, two distinct though related reasons for this “era of ill feelings”. The first is the consequence of a historic change in the character of political-party conflict in the United States, and its system of reference. The second is the widespread sense on the part of many conservatives that the two most recent Democratic presidents - Bill Clinton and Barack Obama - lack legitimacy.
An epic dissolution
In the late 1960s, the difference between the United States’s two great parties seemed to me rooted in the pivotal events of the 1860s. The origin of the great fissures between Republicans and Democrats - I would explain at the time to non-Americans - lay in the civil war, the emancipation of slaves, the defeat and humiliation of the Confederacy, the failure of reconstruction and the re-establishment of what was euphemistically called “redemption” (more truly the system of reimposed racial subjection known as “Jim Crow”).
In 2010, the key to understanding the new party conflict seems to me to lie precisely in that 1960s era. The civil-rights movement tore the “solid south” to pieces, and the peace movement inspired by the Vietnam war did the same to much of the rest of the country. But the anti-war movement was also part of a wider social-political rebellion against all structures of entrenched authority - in the bedroom and classroom, the pulpit and the armed forces, in the political hierarchy with the presidency at its apex. Millions were drawn in to this exhilirating whirlwind; but - as the election of Richard M Nixon in 1968 had demonstrated - the attempt to hold on to the solid ground of patriotism, order, security and hierarchy was helping to invigorate a new conservatism (see Rick Perlstein, Nixonland: The Rise of a President and the Fracturing of America [Scribner, 2008]).
Before the 1960s, each of the two major parties was an unwieldy coalition of incoherent groups and voices. The master politician of the 1930s, Franklin D Roosevelt, had forged a “Roosevelt coalition” out of some of these fragments - reactionary southerners, the trade unions, urban bosses, the northern working class, and a small but influential elite of progressive intellectuals - and in doing so created the modern Democratic Party. The ideology of the Republican Party was less dramatically contradictory, though moderate and even liberal Republicans existed in significant numbers.
Before the eruptions of the 1960s, Americans rejoiced that their politics did not follow the European model, where parties were locked into rooted left-right ideological conflict that reflected in turn deep divisions of class and life-chances. (I well remember the first time I went to interview Robert F Kennedy in his vast office in the justice department. He made the argument that the United States was too big, too disparate and too divided by history to be able to afford parties organised (and divided) by ideology. To my surprise, the reputedly pragmatic attorney-general - then at the vortex of the civil-rights movement - pulled out of the lower drawer of his enormous desk a shoebox full of five-by-eight cards on which he had been laboriously collecting pronouncements by political scientists on the point.)
The moment is made all the more piquant by the fact that the administration Robert Kennedy he served, and even more its successor led by Lyndon B Johnson, brought to an abrupt end the non-ideological period in American party history. The moment of that shift can be pinpointed: Johnson’s signature of the Voting Rights Act in 1965. As he signed it, he turned to an aide and murmured: “There goes the south”. And indeed, the once solidly Democratic south was lost over the next generation.
No doubt the process was inevitable. Indeed in presidential elections it had already started. But from the late 1960s on, southern conservatives flocked into the Republican Party. Moderate, let alone liberal Republicans became ever rarer. African-Americans in the south began to vote in significant numbers. The internal balance of the Democratic Party shifted as it became more of a “rainbow coalition”, with the numbers of women, blacks and Hispanics growing and those of white males proportionally declining.
A grand illusion
This transformation of the parties was the deeper context of Ronald Reagan’s election to the presidency in 1980, and by almost as large a majority as Johnson had won over the conservative Republican Barry Goldwater in 1964. Reagan’s electoral victory was - like Barack Obama’s - the product both of short-term contingencies and the maturation of deeper shifts in society (among the former were the humiliations of Jimmy Carter’s response to the Tehran hostage- crisis and of the gasoline-lines that exposed America’s new dependence on imported oil).
The strong showing in 1968 among northern working-class voters of George Wallace, the segregationist governor of Alabama, had already served warning that the “Roosevelt coalition” was cracked (see Dan T Carter, Politics of Rage: George Wallace, the Origins of the New Conservatism, and the Transformation of American Politics (Louisiana State University Press, 2000). Reagan’s victory seemed to confirm that the new conservative movement that had been gathering strength since the mid-1960s - in great part as a reaction to the great Vietnam-war and black uprisings and all they could be made to signify - had won a decisive victory (see Donald Critchlow, The Conservative Ascendancy:How the GOP Right Made Political History [Harvard University Press, 2007]).
Amid the euphoria, however, many vocal conservative politicians, commentators and activists made a serious (if understandable) error: they persuaded themselves that something called a “Reagan revolution” had taken place. It seemed plausible: after all, from the later 1970s the liberal orthodoxies were everywhere - in the law, in economics, in corporate business and in politics - under attack. It was all too easy to see Reagan’s victory as a “tipping-point”, the moment of an electoral realignment like those of 1912 or 1932. Liberals had been routed; their theories discredited; their morale shattered; their era, over (see America In Our Time: From World War II to Nixon - What Happened and Why [1976; Princeton University Press, 2005]).
But Reagan’s victory in 1980, notwithstanding the handsome majority, was in fact neither absolute nor decisive. The proportion of Americans who called themselves liberals may have been declining steadily, but the proportion who cherished some at least of the ideals of the new deal and the Kennedy/Johnson years remained more solid than many conservatives were willing to admit. The proof came in 1992 when, amid recession, a majority voted to instal Bill Clinton in the White House rather than Reagan’s former vice-president George HW Bush. Here too there were contingencies at work: Bush was himself a reversion in many respects to an older, less ideological Republicanism and therefore suspect to conservatives, and the strong intervention of the millionaire candidate H Ross Perot also damaged him. But the notion of a definitive “Reagan revolution” had been dealt a painful blow to its proponents.
A state of paralysis
Something happened from the beginning of Bill Clinton’s administration that seems in retrospect also an augury: the wild and vicious targeting of the new president with smears that he was corrupt, a drug-dealer, even a murderer. These acquired such persistence and vehemence throughout his presidency that they led Hillary Clinton to talk of a “vast rightwing conspiracy” against her husband.
There was no conspiracy, in the sense a criminal court would recognise. But what is significant in political terms is that the depth and the character of the accusations revealed that many conservatives did not accept the verdict of the polls. They thought that Bill Clinton’s occupancy of the White House defied the mandate of heaven.
Then, after the knife-edge election of 2000 and the drama of the Florida “chads”, the presidential election was in effect decided by a single vote: that of a Republican-appointed member of the Supreme Court who decided Bush vs Gorein favour of the Republicans. It was moment potent with political as well as legal symbolism: for ever since Democrats in the Senate, led by Ted Kennedy, had in 1987 blocked a conservative nominee Robert Bork (in a process subsequently known as “borking”), appointments to the court had been acridly politicised. In 1991, the Senate hearings on the appointment of Clarence Thomas to the Supreme Court set a new low level for scurrility. For years the two parties could hardly agree to replenish the federal bench when vacancies occurred.
The dispute over the presidential election of 2000 gave liberals a taste of the frustrations - and intoxicating pleasures - of denying the very legitimacy of George W Bush’s presidency. The forensic scrutiny of the details of what had happened in Florida fuelled books and films and consumed energies for years after he had entered the White House.
The numbing effect of the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001 briefly suggested that another “turning-point” might be at hand, as the nation drew closer together and the president’s declaration of a “great war on terror” was comparatively little challenged. But mid the war’s failures and disasters, and the administration’s unpleasant authoritarian streak, were soon to restore and consolidate the divisions between liberals and conservatives, Democrats and Republicans. American political hearts turned ever more bitter.
The election of Barack Obama felt to many like a healing moment. Those who from the start (in an echo of the Clinton pattern) spread rumours that he had been born outside the United States, or is a “secret” Muslim, or a communist had no intention of participating in any such dream. Their adamantine refusal of the president’s legitimacy is much more widely shared across the “tea-party” faction and in much of the media. This is on vivid display in the toxic hatreds even at the very heart of the Capitol and in the instant of Obama’s greatest legislative achievement thus far.
In a parliamentary system, the government can act decisively so long as it controls a majority in the legislature; thus, even rancorous division need not lead to stasis and paralysis. In the American presidential system with its separation of powers, a party that refuses at heart to accept the legitimacy of the other side can effectively block the functioning of government (see “The American political system: ruin and reform”, 11 February 2010).
True, legislative successes both increase the authority of those responsible and can make the creation of a new consensus possible. But if much of America refuses to accept the basic legitimacy of their president as a matter of course, the American political system will remain what it has become - paralysed, and incapable of reacting adequately to national needs.
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Remarks by the President and Vice President at Signing of the Health Insurance Reform Bill
[Obama, AOL] (White House.gov Press Office Feed)11:29 A.M. EDT THE VICE PRESIDENT: Thank you all. (Applause.) AUDIENCE: Fired up! Ready to go! Fired up! Ready to go! THE VICE PRESIDENT: Thank you. Mr. President, I think we got a happy room here. (Laughter.) It seems ridiculous to say thank you all for being here. (Laughter.) Ladies and gentlemen, to state the obvious, this is a historic day. (Applause.) In our business you use that phrase a lot, but I can't think of a day in the 37 years that I've been a United States senator a ...
11:29 A.M. EDT
THE VICE PRESIDENT: Thank you all. (Applause.)
AUDIENCE: Fired up! Ready to go! Fired up! Ready to go!
THE VICE PRESIDENT: Thank you.
Mr. President, I think we got a happy room here. (Laughter.) It seems ridiculous to say thank you all for being here. (Laughter.) Ladies and gentlemen, to state the obvious, this is a historic day. (Applause.)
In our business you use that phrase a lot, but I can't think of a day in the 37 years that I've been a United States senator and the short time I've been Vice President that it is more appropriately stated. This is a historic day.
And history -- history is not merely what is printed in textbooks. It doesn’t begin or end with the stroke of a pen. History is made. History is made when men and women decide that there is a greater risk in accepting a situation that we cannot bear than in steeling our spine and embracing the promise of change. That's when history is made. (Applause.)
History is made when you all assembled here today, members of Congress, take charge to change the lives of tens of millions of Americans. Through the efforts of those of us lucky enough to serve here in this town, that's exactly what you’ve done. You’ve made history.
History is made when a leader steps up, stays true to his values, and charts a fundamentally different course for the country. History is made when a leader’s passion -- passion -- is matched with principle to set a new course. Well, ladies and gentlemen, Mr. President, you are that leader. (Applause.)
Mr. President, your fierce advocacy, the clarity of purpose that you showed, your perseverance -- these are in fact -- it is not hyperbole to say -- these are the reasons why we're assembled in this room together, today. But for those attributes we would not be here. Many, many men and women are going to feel the pride that I feel in watching you shortly, watching you sign this bill, knowing that their work -- their work has helped make this day possible. But, Mr. President, you’re the guy that made it happen. (Applause.)
And so, Mr. President, all of us, press and elected officials, assembled in this town over the years, we’ve seen some incredible things happen. But you know, Mr. President, you’ve done what generations of not just ordinary, but great men and women, have attempted to do. Republicans as well as Democrats, they’ve tried before. Everybody knows the story, starting with Teddy Roosevelt. They’ve tried. They were real bold leaders.
But, Mr. President, they fell short. You have turned, Mr. President, the right of every American to have access to decent health care into reality for the first time in American history. (Applause.)Mr. President, I’ve gotten to know you well enough. You want me to stop because I’m embarrassing you. (Laughter.) But I’m not going to stop for another minute, Mr. President, because you delivered on a promise -- a promise you made to all Americans when we moved into this building.
Mr. President, you are -- to repeat myself -- literally about to make history. Our children and our grandchildren, they’re going to grow up knowing that a man named Barack Obama put the final girder in the framework for a social network in this country to provide the single most important element of what people need -- and that is access to good health -- (applause) -- and that every American from this day forward will be treated with simple fairness and basic justice.
Look, the classic poet, Virgil, once said that “The greatest wealth is health.” The greatest wealth is health. Well, today, America becomes a whole lot wealthier because tens of millions of Americans will be a whole lot healthier from this moment on.
Ladies and gentlemen, the President of the United States of America, Barack Obama. (Applause.)
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you, everybody. Thank you. (Applause.) Thank you. Thank you, everybody. Thank you. Thank you everybody. Thank you so much. Thank you. Thank you. (Applause.) Thank you, everybody. Please, have a seat.
Thank you, Joe. (Laughter.)
THE VICE PRESIDENT: Good to be with you, Mr. President. (Laughter.)
THE PRESIDENT: Today, after almost a century of trying; today, after over a year of debate; today, after all the votes have been tallied –- health insurance reform becomes law in the United States of America. (Applause.) Today.
It is fitting that Congress passed this historic legislation this week. For as we mark the turning of spring, we also mark a new season in America. In a few moments, when I sign this bill, all of the overheated rhetoric over reform will finally confront the reality of reform. (Applause.)
And while the Senate still has a last round of improvements to make on this historic legislation -- and these are improvements I’m confident they will make swiftly -- (applause) -- the bill I’m signing will set in motion reforms that generations of Americans have fought for, and marched for, and hungered to see.
It will take four years to implement fully many of these reforms, because we need to implement them responsibly. We need to get this right. But a host of desperately needed reforms will take effect right away. (Applause.)
This year, we’ll start offering tax credits to about 4 million small businessmen and women to help them cover the cost of insurance for their employees. (Applause.) That happens this year.
This year, tens of thousands of uninsured Americans with preexisting conditions, the parents of children who have a preexisting condition, will finally be able to purchase the coverage they need. That happens this year. (Applause.)
This year, insurance companies will no longer be able to drop people’s coverage when they get sick. (Applause.) They won’t be able to place lifetime limits or restrictive annual limits on the amount of care they can receive. (Applause.)
This year, all new insurance plans will be required to offer free preventive care. And this year, young adults will be able to stay on their parents’ policies until they’re 26 years old. That happens this year. (Applause.)
And this year, seniors who fall in the coverage gap known as the doughnut hole will start getting some help. They’ll receive $250 to help pay for prescriptions, and that will, over time, fill in the doughnut hole. And I want seniors to know, despite what some have said, these reforms will not cut your guaranteed benefits. (Applause.) In fact, under this law, Americans on Medicare will receive free preventive care without co-payments or deductibles. That begins this year. (Applause.)
Once this reform is implemented, health insurance exchanges will be created, a competitive marketplace where uninsured people and small businesses will finally be able to purchase affordable, quality insurance. They will be able to be part of a big pool and get the same good deal that members of Congress get. That’s what’s going to happen under this reform. (Applause.) And when this exchange is up and running, millions of people will get tax breaks to help them afford coverage, which represents the largest middle-class tax cut for health care in history. That's what this reform is about. (Applause.)
This legislation will also lower costs for families and for businesses and for the federal government, reducing our deficit by over $1 trillion in the next two decades. It is paid for. It is fiscally responsible. And it will help lift a decades-long drag on our economy. That's part of what all of you together worked on and made happen. (Applause.)
That our generation is able to succeed in passing this reform is a testament to the persistence –- and the character -– of the American people, who championed this cause; who mobilized; who organized; who believed that people who love this country can change it.
It’s also a testament to the historic leadership -– and uncommon courage –- of the men and women of the United States Congress, who’ve taken their lumps during this difficult debate. (Laughter.)
AUDIENCE MEMBER: Yes, we did. (Laughter.)
THE PRESIDENT: You know, there are few tougher jobs in politics or government than leading one of our legislative chambers. In each chamber, there are men and women who come from different places and face different pressures, who reach different conclusions about the same things and feel deeply concerned about different things.
By necessity, leaders have to speak to those different concerns. It isn’t always tidy; it is almost never easy. But perhaps the greatest –- and most difficult –- challenge is to cobble together out of those differences the sense of common interest and common purpose that’s required to advance the dreams of all people -- especially in a country as large and diverse as ours.
And we are blessed by leaders in each chamber who not only do their jobs very well but who never lost sight of that larger mission. They didn’t play for the short term; they didn’t play to the polls or to politics: One of the best speakers the House of Representatives has ever had, Speaker Nancy Pelosi. (Applause.)
AUDIENCE: Nancy! Nancy! Nancy! Nancy!
THE PRESIDENT: One of the best majority leaders the Senate has ever had, Mr. Harry Reid. (Applause.)
To all of the terrific committee chairs, all the members of Congress who did what was difficult, but did what was right, and passed health care reform -- not just this generation of Americans will thank you, but the next generation of Americans will thank you.
And of course, this victory was also made possible by the painstaking work of members of this administration, including our outstanding Secretary of Health and Human Services, Kathleen Sebelius -- (applause) -- and one of the unsung heroes of this effort, an extraordinary woman who led the reform effort from the White House, Nancy-Ann DeParle. Where’s Nancy? (Applause.)
Today, I’m signing this reform bill into law on behalf of my mother, who argued with insurance companies even as she battled cancer in her final days.
I’m signing it for Ryan Smith, who’s here today. He runs a small business with five employees. He’s trying to do the right thing, paying half the cost of coverage for his workers. This bill will help him afford that coverage.
I’m signing it for 11-year-old Marcelas Owens, who’s also here. (Applause.) Marcelas lost his mom to an illness. And she didn’t have insurance and couldn’t afford the care that she needed. So in her memory he has told her story across America so that no other children have to go through what his family has experienced. (Applause.)
I’m signing it for Natoma Canfield. Natoma had to give up her health coverage after her rates were jacked up by more than 40 percent. She was terrified that an illness would mean she’d lose the house that her parents built, so she gave up her insurance. Now she’s lying in a hospital bed, as we speak, faced with just such an illness, praying that she can somehow afford to get well without insurance. Natoma’s family is here today because Natoma can’t be. And her sister Connie is here. Connie, stand up. (Applause.)
I’m signing this bill for all the leaders who took up this cause through the generations -- from Teddy Roosevelt to Franklin Roosevelt, from Harry Truman, to Lyndon Johnson, from Bill and Hillary Clinton, to one of the deans who’s been fighting this so long, John Dingell. (Applause.) To Senator Ted Kennedy. (Applause.) And it’s fitting that Ted’s widow, Vicki, is here -- it’s fitting that Teddy’s widow, Vicki, is here; and his niece Caroline; his son Patrick, whose vote helped make this reform a reality. (Applause.)
I remember seeing Ted walk through that door in a summit in this room a year ago -- one of his last public appearances. And it was hard for him to make it. But he was confident that we would do the right thing.
Our presence here today is remarkable and improbable. With all the punditry, all of the lobbying, all of the game-playing that passes for governing in Washington, it’s been easy at times to doubt our ability to do such a big thing, such a complicated thing; to wonder if there are limits to what we, as a people, can still achieve. It’s easy to succumb to the sense of cynicism about what’s possible in this country.
But today, we are affirming that essential truth -– a truth every generation is called to rediscover for itself –- that we are not a nation that scales back its aspirations. (Applause.) We are not a nation that falls prey to doubt or mistrust. We don't fall prey to fear. We are not a nation that does what’s easy. That’s not who we are. That’s not how we got here.
We are a nation that faces its challenges and accepts its responsibilities. We are a nation that does what is hard. What is necessary. What is right. Here, in this country, we shape our own destiny. That is what we do. That is who we are. That is what makes us the United States of America.
And we have now just enshrined, as soon as I sign this bill, the core principle that everybody should have some basic security when it comes to their health care. (Applause.) And it is an extraordinary achievement that has happened because of all of you and all the advocates all across the country.
So, thank you. Thank you. God bless you, and may God bless the United States. (Applause.) Thank you. Thank you.
All right, I would now like to call up to stage some of the members of Congress who helped make this day possible, and some of the Americans who will benefit from these reforms. And we’re going to sign this bill.
This is going to take a little while. I’ve got to use every pen, so it’s going to take a really long time. (Laughter.) I didn’t practice. (Laughter.)
(The bill is signed.)
We are done. (Applause.)
END
11:56 A.M. EDT -
Point of No Return? -- By: Thomas Sowell
[Right-Wing, Politics, Law] (Articles on National Review Online)With the passage of the legislation allowing the federal government to take control of the medical-care system of the United States, a major turning point has been reached in the dismantling of the values and institutions of America. Even the massive transfer of crucial decisions from millions of doctors and patients to Washington bureaucrats and advisory panels -- as momentous as that is -- does not measure the full impact of this largely unread and certainly unscrutinized legislation. If the ...
With the passage of the legislation allowing the federal government to take control of the medical-care system of the United States, a major turning point has been reached in the dismantling of the values and institutions of America.
Even the massive transfer of crucial decisions from millions of doctors and patients to Washington bureaucrats and advisory panels -- as momentous as that is -- does not measure the full impact of this largely unread and certainly unscrutinized legislation.
If the current legislation does not entail the transmission of all our individual medical records to Washington, it will take only an administrative regulation or, at most, an executive order of the president to do that.
With politicians now having not only access to our most confidential records, but also the power to grant or withhold medical care needed to sustain ourselves or our loved ones, how many people will be bold enough to criticize our public servants, who will in fact have become our public masters?
Despite whatever “firewalls” or “lockboxes” there may be to shield our medical records from prying political eyes, nothing is as inevitable as leaks in Washington. Does anyone still remember the hundreds of confidential FBI files that were “accidentally” delivered to the White House during Bill Clinton’s administration?
Even before that, J. Edgar Hoover’s extensive confidential FBI files on numerous Washington power holders made him someone who could not be fired by any president of the United States, much less by any attorney general, nominally his boss.
The corrupt manner in which this massive legislation was rammed through Congress -- without any of the committee hearings or extended debates that most landmark legislation has had -- has provided a roadmap for pushing through more such sweeping legislation in utter defiance of what the public wants.
Too many critics of the Obama administration have assumed that its arrogant disregard of the voting public will spell political suicide for congressional Democrats and for the president himself. But that is far from certain.
True, President Obama’s approval numbers have fallen below 50 percent, and that of Congress is down around 10 percent. But nobody votes for Congress as a whole, and the president will not be on the ballot until 2012.
They say that, in politics, overnight is a lifetime. Just last month, it was said that the election of Scott Brown to the Senate from Massachusetts doomed the health-care bill. Now some of the same people are saying that passing the health-care bill will doom the administration and the Democrats’ control of Congress. As an old song said, “It ain’t necessarily so.”
The voters will have had no experience with the actual, concrete effect of the government takeover of medical care at the time of either the 2010 congressional elections or the 2012 presidential elections. All they will have will be conflicting rhetoric -- and you can depend on the mainstream media to go along with the rhetoric of those who passed this medical-care bill.
The ruthless and corrupt way this bill was forced through Congress on a party-line vote, and in defiance of public opinion, provides a roadmap for how other “historic” changes can be imposed by Obama, Pelosi, and Reid. What will it matter if Obama’s current approval rating is below 50 percent among the current voting public, if he can ram through new legislation to create millions of new voters by granting citizenship to illegal immigrants? That could be enough to make him a two-term president, in which case he could appoint enough Supreme Court justices to rubber-stamp further extensions of his power.
When all these newly minted citizens are rounded up on election night by ethnic-organization activists and labor-union supporters of the administration, that may be enough to salvage the Democrats’ control of Congress as well.
The last opportunity that current American citizens may have to determine who will control Congress may well be the election in November of this year. Off-year elections don’t usually bring out as many voters as presidential election years. But the 2010 election may be the last chance to halt the dismantling of America. It can be the point of no return.
-- Thomas Sowell is a senior fellow at the Hoover Institution. © 2010 Creators Syndicate, Inc.
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Account Executive Internship (Washington, DC)
[Jobs, Jobs (not Steve)] (craigslist | all jobs in washington, DC)Greenfield/Belser Ltd. is a brand design agency focused on services marketing. Learn about us at www.gbltd.com. Why should you want an internship with us? 1. We will look great on your resume: G/B won a Presidential Design Award from Bill Clinton for the design the Nutrition Facts labeling system that appears on 6.5 billion food products nationwide, the most reproduced graphic of the 20th and 21st Century. We have won hundreds of awards in every major field of graphic design: identity, ...
Greenfield/Belser Ltd. is a brand design agency focused on services marketing. Learn about us at www.gbltd.com. Why should you want an internship with us?
1. We will look great on your resume:
G/B won a Presidential Design Award from Bill Clinton for the design the Nutrition Facts labeling system that appears on 6.5 billion food products nationwide, the most reproduced graphic of the 20th and 21st Century. We have won hundreds of awards in every major field of graphic design: identity, collateral, Web, periodicals-you name it. Greenfield/Belser's work and studio has been featured in over a dozen books and many magazines. Greenfield/Belser has been quoted on brand design topics by the Wall Street Journal, New York Times, Washington Post, Los Angeles Times and dozens of industry publications.
2. Cool office:
The Washington Post anointed our office as one of the five best in Washington, along with the Oval Office and the Office of the Executive Director of the National Gallery. And no wonder: waterfall, pond, stone reception desk and a game room!
3. Great people:
Greenfield/Belser has more than 40 employees, among the very largest design firms in D.C. And Washingtonian Magazine judged us one of the 50 Great Places to Work.
If you are interested in learning, but still having fun, then wed like to work with you. We are seeking a talented and energetic AE intern.
Required:
Solid communications skills, self-motivated and a willingness to meet new challenges. Working knowledge of Microsoft Word and PPT. InDesign or Photoshop a big plus. Bachelor's degree in marketing, communications or related field helpful.
Responsibilities (Include, but are not limited to, the following):
Assist account executives manage traffic with production for all jobs
Conduct research + competitive analysis
Coordinate the startup of new business
Prepare brand teams for meetings
Observe and document creative meetings
Observe and document client conference calls
Draft status reports for accounts
Assist on project management of Web, print, advertising and direct mail.
Please send us a cover letter and resume outlining your experience and what you would like to learn through the course of the internship. We expect for you to dedicate at least 3 months time to the internship on a full-time basis. Our hours are 9:30 to 5:30 and we will pay you for your lunch hour. -
Google China: Hacking bid that quickly grew into a clash of titans
[Guardian] (News: Main section | guardian.co.uk)Internet giant's rift with Beijing is culmination of years of behind-the-scenes company infightingIt is a cliche that things happen faster on the internet, but even that fails to explain the rapid collapse of relations between Google and the Chinese government.The entire affair seems to have unfolded in just a few weeks, beginning in January and ending on Monday with the California internet giant's decision to redirect its Chinese web visitors to its Hong Kong site instead.The conflict began whe ...
Internet giant's rift with Beijing is culmination of years of behind-the-scenes company infighting
It is a cliche that things happen faster on the internet, but even that fails to explain the rapid collapse of relations between Google and the Chinese government.
The entire affair seems to have unfolded in just a few weeks, beginning in January and ending on Monday with the California internet giant's decision to redirect its Chinese web visitors to its Hong Kong site instead.
The conflict began when an unidentified computer hacker tried to break into Google's servers before Christmas. At that point, few could have predicted that events would quickly evolve into an open battle between one of the world's most powerful companies and a political superpower. After all, the internet attacks – known to security experts as Operation Aurora – targeted dozens of American companies, not just Google, and for large hi-tech businesses, the threat of cyber-espionage has become part of everyday life.
But when Google went public about the attacks in January – and hinted that they could have been prevented by the Chinese government – it was not only a swipe at Beijing, but also the culmination of several years of behind-the-scenes infighting at Google. After years of tension, a situation that had been heating up suddenly hit boiling point.
Google's forays into China began in 2006, when it surprised the world by announcing that it would launch a censored version of its popular search engine, specifically aimed at Chinese users.
While the business decisions behind the move were obvious – western companies had been eyeing the rapidly growing Chinese market for some time – the decision seemed at odds with Google's dedication to free information and its "don't be evil" mantra.
Indeed, an agonised internal debate at the company's Silicon Valley headquarters had preceded the move. Google co-founder Sergey Brin, who was born in Moscow, but left Russia before the collapse of communism, was a well-known advocate for free speech. Despite support from his fellow co-founder, Larry Page, however, he was eventually voted down by Google's chief executive, Eric Schmidt, a man who proved more pragmatic than idealistic.
Once the decision to enter the Chinese market had been made, the company's senior figures batted away suggestions that they were leaving themselves vulnerable to the whims of an authoritarian government. They argued that, even when censored, Google gave Chinese customers access to more information than before.
"Chinese users will ultimately receive a search service that is fast, always accessible, and helps them find information both in China and from around the world," the company said. "While removing search results is inconsistent with Google's mission, providing no information, or a heavily degraded user experience that amounts to no information, is more inconsistent with our mission."
It did not take long, however, for Google to start regretting its actions. Its vast array of websites and services, including household names such as YouTube, Blogger and Gmail, were hit by regular blockades from China's "great firewall", and the flak from activists began to chip away at the company's previously friendly image.
Within months, Google was admitting that involvement with the Chinese government was more troubling that it had expected. In 2006, Brin said that "perhaps now the principled approach makes more sense", and a few months later he told the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland, that "on a business level, that decision to censor was a net negative".
With the situation becoming more difficult and less profitable than advocates had anticipated, support grew for Brin and Page's position. Once the details of the hacking attempts became public – including attempts to steal secret code from Google's servers – the rift between senior management grew even more stark.
Schmidt failed to persuade others to take a gentle approach towards Beijing. That internal split echoes tensions also felt in Washington, where Barack Obama has pushed for quiet, diplomatic solutions to tension with the Chinese, while his secretary of state, Hillary Clinton, has wanted a robust response.
What may have encouraged Google to take drastic action is that there is little for it to lose financially. Despite the vast sums it has sunk into its Chinese operation, the amount of money it makes in the country is still relatively small. Around much of the world, Google dominates the internet search and advertising market – taking around a 90% share in Britain, for example. But in China, it runs in second place to the homegrown challenger, Baidu, meaning Google has just 30% of the market.
With revenues from China currently estimated at around $250m each year and growing, the short-term damage may not be as great as some expected. According to sSome estimates say Google could stand to lose as much as $4bn in revenue over the next five years – a fraction of its overall income.
That does not mean that China would always be a tough market, however, suggests a note from New York-based analysts Jefferies & Company. "China is not material to Google revenues," it said. "But losing the world's largest web user base is a long-term negative. China today has the world's largest internet user base and one of the fastest growing ecommerce markets. Shutting down google.cn would be a strategic loss for the company."
While the opportunity for future growth was one consideration, throwing away Google's censored search engine was vital, experts said, to avoid endangering its Chinese staff and its other businesses, which include research and development, and the manufacturing of mobile phones using the company's Android software.
In the run-up to its decision to move its search engine to Hong Kong on Monday, the company had believed it had developed a compromise with communist leaders.
"There are much bigger stakes for Google in China than closing Google.cn and losing the associated search advertising," said Alice Enders and Ian Maude, of the London-based research group Enders Analysis. "Google cannot risk becoming persona non grata in China. These stakes require Google to manage the situation carefully and with diplomacy."
Google's precarious negotiations with Beijing are part of a long catalogue of struggles between the Chinese leadership and western companies – particularly internet and technology corporations – who have been battling for years.
Even after more than a decade, somebody as powerful as Microsoft's Bill Gates still avoids the direct suggestion that Chinese censorship is wrong, choosing merely to suggest that it is not relevant.
"Chinese efforts to censor the internet have been very limited," Gates said earlier this year. "It's easy to go around it, so I think keeping the internet thriving there is very important."
guardian.co.uk © Guardian News & Media Limited 2010 | Use of this content is subject to our Terms & Conditions | More Feeds -
Hillary Rodham Clinton: Remarks at the 2010 AIPAC Policy Conference
[Oddities] (YubaNet.com)Given the shared challenges we face, the relationship between the United States and Israel has never been more important. (Applause.) The United States has long recognized that a strong and secure Israel is vital to our own strategic interests. (Applause.) And we know that the forces that threaten Israel also threaten the United States of America. (Applause.) And therefore, we firmly believe that when we strengthen Israel's security, we strengthen America's security. (Applause.)
Given the shared challenges we face, the relationship between the United States and Israel has never been more important. (Applause.) The United States has long recognized that a strong and secure Israel is vital to our own strategic interests. (Applause.) And we know that the forces that threaten Israel also threaten the United States of America. (Applause.) And therefore, we firmly believe that when we strengthen Israel's security, we strengthen America's security. (Applause.) -
3-22-2010 The Day in Review
[Stanford] (F i a t Lux)Commentators go back and forth about Secretary of State Clinton’s speech to the American Israel Public Affairs Committee. Google follows through on its threat to leave China after an earlier hacking incident. Republicans respond to the passage of the health care bill with legal challenges and a nod to secession. Mark Halperin of Time ...
Commentators go back and forth about Secretary of State Clinton’s speech to the American Israel Public Affairs Committee. Google follows through on its threat to leave China after an earlier hacking incident. Republicans respond to the passage of the health care bill with legal challenges and a nod to secession. Mark Halperin of Time [...] -
Morning Brief: China: Google move "totally wrong"
[Foreign Policy Magazine, Politics] (FP Passport)China: Google move "totally wrong" Top news: After Google announced yesterday that it would begin redirecting Chinese Web users to its unrestricted Hong Kong search site, the company was strongly condemned by the Chinese government. "This is totally wrong. We're uncompromisingly opposed to the politicization of commercial issues, and express our discontent and indignation to Google for its unreasonable accusations and conducts," an unnamed official told the news agency Xinhua. Howe ...
China: Google move "totally wrong"
Top news: After Google announced yesterday that it would begin redirecting Chinese Web users to its unrestricted Hong Kong search site, the company was strongly condemned by the Chinese government. "This is totally wrong. We're uncompromisingly opposed to the politicization of commercial issues, and express our discontent and indignation to Google for its unreasonable accusations and conducts," an unnamed official told the news agency Xinhua. However, a foreign ministry spokesman also said that the move would not affect U.S.-China ties "unless politicized" by others.
Google's move is only a partial retreat from China. The company's email, music sharing, map services, and sales divisions will still operate in the mainland. Reports from the mainland indicate there the government is filtering some search results from the .hk portal on sensitive search terms like Dalai Lama, but has not yet blocked access to the site entirely.
Gitmo: A U.S. Federal Judge has ordered the release of Mohamedou Slahi, a Mauritanian national who is suspected of links to the 9/11 hijackers and was tortured while in custody at Guantanamo Bay.
Europe
- Britain will reportedly expel an Israeli diplomat over the use of forged British passports in the January Dubai assassination.
- A German court convicted an 88-year-old former SS member of killing Dutch civilians during World War II.
- French public sector workers are holding a day-long national strike.
Asia
- Burma's political opposition will file a lawsuit against the government to challenge restrictive election laws.
- Pakistan's Parliament is expected to pass constitutional changes designed to curtail the powers of President Asif Ali Zardari.
- Kyrgyzstan's president said that Western-style democracy may no longer be suitable for his country.
Middle East
- Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu restated Israeli claims to East Jerusalem during his speech to the pro-Israel lobbying group AIPAC.
- At least six people were killed by bombings in central Baghdad this morning.
- U.N. Secretary General Ban Ki-moon condemned the Israeli blockade of Gaza as he toured the region.
Africa
- More than 160 people were arrested in connection with this month's religious massacre in Nigeria.
- Sudan's president threatened to expel foreign observers after they recommended delaying the country's elections.
- Seven Angolan police officers were jailed for murder.
Americas
- Former U.S. presidents Bill Clinton and George W. Bush toured Haiti's massive tent cities on Monday.
- The Inter-American Development bank agreed to forgive $479 million of Haiti's debt.
- Secretary of State Hillary Clinton is headed to Mexico for talks on the drug war.
STR/AFP/Getty Images
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James Carville Pens Fundraising E-mail For Blanche Lincoln
[Politics] (TPMDC)Sen. Blanche Lincoln (D-AR), who is being challenged from the left in her Democratic primary, has a big Democratic name coming to her aide: Former Bill Clinton campaign strategist and current political pundit James Carville, who has written a fundraising e-mail for the incumbent's campaign.
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Headlines for March 23, 2010
[Politics] (Democracy Now!)Obama to Sign Healthcare Bill; GOP Prepares Repeal Bid, Senate Banking Committee Backs Dodd Bill, Report: US Mulls Bagram as Next Gitmo, Judge Orders Release of Gitmo Prisoner, Netanyahu Rejects US Call for Settlement Freeze, Code Pink Disrupts Netanyahu Speech, Pulls Off AIPAC Hoax, Karzai Meets with Afghan Militant Group, US Halts Poppy Eradication in Afghan Areas, Iraqi Election Commission Rejects Recount Call, Haitians Protest Bush, Clinton in Port-au-Prince, Bolivia Proposes Declaring Potab ...
Obama to Sign Healthcare Bill; GOP Prepares Repeal Bid, Senate Banking Committee Backs Dodd Bill, Report: US Mulls Bagram as Next Gitmo, Judge Orders Release of Gitmo Prisoner, Netanyahu Rejects US Call for Settlement Freeze, Code Pink Disrupts Netanyahu Speech, Pulls Off AIPAC Hoax, Karzai Meets with Afghan Militant Group, US Halts Poppy Eradication in Afghan Areas, Iraqi Election Commission Rejects Recount Call, Haitians Protest Bush, Clinton in Port-au-Prince, Bolivia Proposes Declaring Potable Water a Universal Right, Google Closes Search Engine in China, ACORN to Cease Existence as National Organization, NYT Admits Errors in Reporting on ACORN Controversy, Report: Fmr. Blackwater Execs Face Weapons Charges, KBR, Halliburton Withdraw Challenge to Rape Suit, Malcolm X Assassin Granted Parole -
Jason's Got A Problem (Part II)
[Pittsburgh, PA] (2 Political Junkies)From the newly refurbished Early Returns 2.0:Irate at Rep. Jason Altmire’s vote against the health care legislation, Jack Shea, the president of the Allegheny County Labor Council, said he is considering a challenge the McCandless Democrat in either the primary or general elections.Seems that Jason the Dino had a few conversations with Shea that seem to conflict with his vote. First, there's Jason's weaselly:Describing Mr. Shea as “a friend,’’ Mr. Altmire said, “The conversation that ...
From the newly refurbished Early Returns 2.0:Irate at Rep. Jason Altmire’s vote against the health care legislation, Jack Shea, the president of the Allegheny County Labor Council, said he is considering a challenge the McCandless Democrat in either the primary or general elections.
Seems that Jason the Dino had a few conversations with Shea that seem to conflict with his vote.
First, there's Jason's weaselly:Describing Mr. Shea as “a friend,’’ Mr. Altmire said, “The conversation that he is referring to took place in November,'' after Mr. Altmire’s initial vote against the House version of the health care legislation.
What conversation? Here's Jack:
“At that time I said, ‘look I’m going to keep at this. I have every expectation that we’re going get to something that I can vote for’ … we didn’t get to a place were I could do that.’’[Shea] said that his consideration of a challenge was a response not just to the Mr. Altmire’s health care vote itself but also to his belief that Mr. Altmire had misled him and other labor leaders on his plans on the legislation.
We know Jason's lost the P-G but has he lost labor, too?
“He didn’t keep his word,’’ Mr. Shea said. “I’m not the only one that he committed to. He told [Pennsylvania AFL-CIO President] Bill George the same thing. He told [USW President] Leo Gerard. … What he said very plainly was, at the end, the final bill, he would be there.
Referring to the failed health care push during the Clinton administration, when Mr. Altmire, as a congressional staffer worked with the administration’s health care task force, Mr. Shea claimed that the congressman had assured him that, “He said he was around [when] they walked away empty handed he wasn’t going to do that again.’’
Jason the Dino's got a problem. -
'What Change Looks Like': Health Care Bill Passes House
[Blacks] (THEROOT.COM)By: Dayo OlopadeYesterday, the U.S. House of Representatives, led by Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi, passed an enormous, politically daring overhaul of the American health insurance and health care delivery system by a margin of 219-212. President Barack Obama, expected to sign the bill into law later this week, rejoiced with a high-five. And yet in an address from the East Room of the White House, his sense of history overwhelmed his urge to celebrate. "Tonight we answered the call of histor ...
By: Dayo Olopade
Yesterday, the U.S. House of Representatives, led by Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi, passed an enormous, politically daring overhaul of the American health insurance and health care delivery system by a margin of 219-212. President Barack Obama, expected to sign the bill into law later this week, rejoiced with a high-five. And yet in an address from the East Room of the White House, his sense of history overwhelmed his urge to celebrate. "Tonight we answered the call of history as so many generations of Americans have before us," he said. "When faced with crisis, we did not shrink from our challenge--we overcame it. We did not avoid our responsibility--we embraced it. We did not fear our future--we shaped it."
Former President Bill Clinton, whose own unsuccessful experience in trying to pass health care in 1993 has colored his commitment to the issue in Obama's time, laid out the magnitude of the task that faced the administration at the annual Gridiron Club dinner this past weekend. "There is nothing more difficult to carry out, nor more doubtful of success, nor more dangerous to handle, than to initiate a new order of things," he said, citing Niccolo Machiavelli. Indeed, health care reformers in Washington have watched their dreams of making lasting social change go down to defeat during presidency after presidency since Theodore Roosevelt.
With this historic legislation, Democrats in Congress effectively brushed off the heat of conservative opposition (no Republican cast a vote for the bill), a sustained lobbying effort from private insurers and other health industry interests, and their own fears that "the new order" might cost them their jobs this November.
What Reform Means
The final bill, which focuses on controlling the health care costs that threaten the nation's long-term fiscal health, will cover an additional 32 million Americans who do not currently have health care, and amount to $1.2 trillion in deficit reduction, according to the most recent score from the independent Congressional Budget Office--which also estimates that insurance premiums will fall by an average of 14 percent.
It is also what Obama calls "a patient's bill of rights on steroids." The bill will establish a set of market exchanges from which individuals and small businesses alike can buy insurance for themselves or employees--with the purchasing power of a larger pool behind them. These same businesses and families will receive tax breaks and subsidies up to a certain level of income for the cost of buying this insurance--now required by law. While progressives wanted a "public option" to provide direct competition with insurers, and Republicans argued that reform would amount to a "socialization" of American government, the bill's supporters emphasized the choice and compromise it offers--including many tax breaks and Republican-endorsed provisions.
The bill comes with a number of structural reforms to the health insurance industry and health care delivery system that supporters claim will restore fairness and competence to a broken system. Among the consumer protections: Immediate access to insurance for those previously denied due to pre-existing conditions; no lifetime caps on coverage for individuals with chronic and expensive costs; and a prohibition on dropped coverage when individuals with insurance get sick. In addition, families can keep children on insurance until they are 26 years old; Medicare eligibility will be expanded, and Medicaid will be subsidized to cover 15 million more Americans living in poverty. The bill also aims to train more doctors and nurses, make medical records electronic, and strengthen incentives for preventative care. While some of these provisions will not take full effect until 2014 or 2018, many will happen within 90 days after the bill is signed.
How a Deal Was Made
Obama put a lot on the line in the name of these reforms. He seemed to feel the weight of history more than ever in the weeks since a destabilizing Democratic Senate seat loss in Massachusetts in January threatened to destroy reform efforts and permanently weaken his presidency. In private meetings and phone calls with 64 congressional lawmakers, and at town halls from Ohio to Virginia, he pleaded for them to have the courage to pass what has become the signature issue of his tenure in office. During an 11th-hour speech to the entire Democratic caucus on Saturday, he referenced earlier generations' passage of Medicare and Medicaid, the Social Security Act of 1935, and the civil rights legislation Lyndon B. Johnson wrung out of his Congress in the 1960s. Echoing the sentiment on Sunday night, James Clyburn of South Carolina, House Majority Whip, called the bill "the Civil Rights Act of the 21st century."
Living up to that history didn't come easily--the Democratic caucus spent the weekend in a flurry of last-minute negotiations. In order to win the votes of a holdout group of seven anti-abortion Democrats led by Rep. Bart Stupak of Michigan, President Obama promised to issue a rare, official executive order "ensuring enforcement and implementation of abortion restrictions" in the bill. By the time of the vote, concluded just before midnight Sunday, the House of Representatives had consented to a parliamentary maneuver that would pass the bill approved by the Senate in December, and an additional bundle of changes that the Senate would also take up.
Obama acknowledged that the bill is not perfect, with respect to policy or politics. "This legislation will not fix everything that ails our health care system," Obama said from the East Room. "But it moves us decisively in the right direction. This is what change looks like."
Congressional Black Caucus chairwoman Barbara Lee tied the bill's passage to the unique health disparities that affect black America: "To those who suffer from those health disparities, our vote tonight carries significance similar to the passage of the Civil Rights Act in that it fulfills a dream that has been elusive for far too long and for far too many Americans."
What Happens Now
Historical significance aside, Democrats are betting that the bill will be defensible on political grounds come the midterm elections this fall. Republicans have gone all-in in the opposite direction. Republican Strategist Karl Rove made a prediction hours before the final vote: "We will fight the election on this, and the Democrats will have significant losses in the House and Senate as a result of this bill." That outcome remains to be seen, especially since it forces Republicans to run on repealing benefits that Americans have.
Still, the highly contentious town hall meetings and an anti-health care "tea party" rallies this weekend, which produced racist and inflammatory remarks lobbed at Democratic supporters of health care reform, including civil rights pioneer John Lewis, show that there will be a pitched battle all the way until Election Day 2010--and perhaps beyond.
Dayo Olopade is Washington reporter for The Root. Follow her on Twitter.
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Michigan's Cheap Date -- By: Kathryn Jean Lopez
[Right-Wing, Politics, Law] (Articles on National Review Online)‘Don’t wait for Bart Stupak to save the day.” I said that three weeks ago, over and over again. I did it in part to encourage listeners to the radio show I was co-hosting to keep communicating with their congressmen. I said it too, of course, because I believed it. Because it’s unwise to put one’s trust in princes. Because men are men. We’re sometimes weak. We’re sometimes not who we say we are. I said it, though, while being impressed with Bart Stupak. He stood against his ...
‘Don’t wait for Bart Stupak to save the day.”
I said that three weeks ago, over and over again. I did it in part to encourage listeners to the radio show I was co-hosting to keep communicating with their congressmen. I said it too, of course, because I believed it. Because it’s unwise to put one’s trust in princes. Because men are men. We’re sometimes weak. We’re sometimes not who we say we are.
I said it, though, while being impressed with Bart Stupak. He stood against his party, and by doing so got life-protective language added into the House health-care legislation in November. He challenged supposed pro-lifers Ben Nelson and Bob Casey to a higher standard than they were willing to fight for in the Senate. He pressed on even while the president and the speaker of the House pretended that abortion funding wasn’t an issue -- they claimed it wasn’t in their legislation and called those who said otherwise liars. Well, it was an issue. And it’s in the bill that passed last night. If it hadn’t been, the Democratic leadership and the White House wouldn’t have been forced to go through the motions of negotiating with Stupak.
Unfortunately, if Bart Stupak truly wanted to ensure that human dignity was respected in this legislation, he wouldn’t have surrendered. But surrender he did -- and then some, declaring the Democratic party the protectors of the unborn on the House floor last night.
The Democratic party is nothing of the sort -- which is another reason no one who wanted to defeat the taxpayer funding of abortion in Obamacare should have expected a Stupak-led victory in this Washington environment. It’s the party that will never offend the abortion industry. It’s the party that owns partial-birth abortion.
I have no idea what Bart Stupak was thinking. Perhaps he couldn’t endure the pressure on him, on his staff, and, most intimately, on his family. Perhaps he lacked an appreciation of the power he had to hold up the president’s signature legislation for the sake of the unborn and then got entranced by the pats on the back he got from leadership for saving their day, which he very likely did. A Democrat who wanted to vote for universal health care, in the end, Stupak proved himself the cheapest of dates. He traded all this power -- power that had Nancy Pelosi screaming at a pro-life Democrat on the House floor Sunday -- for a mess of pottage: for a farce of an executive order that holds no power over the codified statute of Obamacare.
Throughout the whole ordeal -- both while Stupak was fighting and after he caved -- I couldn’t get the late Pennsylvania governor Robert Casey out of my mind. He was pro-life, and he was a Democrat. And he didn’t actually have a home in the Democratic party. If you’re pro-life and you’re a Democrat, for decades now, you’ve found yourself empty-handed, duped, angry, or humiliated.
In 1992, Casey won reelection with over a million votes. That and being the governor of Pennsylvania, a key swing state right next door to New York, would normally get you a slot at a Madison Square Garden Democratic convention. But not for Casey. In a move reminiscent of Bill Clinton’s refusal even to talk to his own ambassador to the Vatican, who stood outside the president’s office for hours trying to deliver a letter from the pope on the president’s decision to veto a ban on partial-birth abortion, the White House refused even to respond to Casey’s requests for a place on stage during the 1996 national convention. The Democratic party, which claims to be a beacon of tolerance, doesn’t have a lot of it when it comes to those who defend the most innocent among us.
Instead, the Democratic party had six pro-choice Republican women speak to the assembled Democrats. But Casey, a confident man of moral conscience, knew what he believed. At the same school where President Obama spoke last year -- the University of Notre Dame, which in bestowing an honorary degree on the president struck at the heart of its integrity as a Catholic school -- Casey called his party out in 1995. “It was sold to America, this idea [of legal abortion], as a kind of social cure, a resolution,” he said. “Instead, it has left us wounded and divided. We were promised it would broaden the circle of freedom. Instead, it has narrowed the circle of humanity. We were told the whole matter was settled and would soon pass from our minds. Twenty years later, it tears at our souls. And so, it is for me the bitterest of ironies that abortion on demand found refuge, found a home -- and it pains me to say this -- found a home in the national Democratic party. My party, the party of the weak, the party of the powerless.”
Casey called abortion “inconsistent with our national character, with our national purpose, with all that we’ve done, and with everything we hope to be.”
Of course, our current president, who claims to be all about hope, went to that same school and tried to wash the conscience of Casey from our political memories. But he can’t. And for a while, it looked as if Bart Stupak wouldn’t let him.
So much for that.
Not much has changed in the decade since Casey died. “We’re members without a party,” Stupak told the New York Times recently. “Democrats are mad at you, and Republicans don’t trust you.” For good reason, it turns out. But Democrats have no use for them. When Stupak was a freshman in the House, he requested a seat on the Energy and Commerce Committee. He told the Times that “I had one or two members tell me I’d never get on because I’m right-to-life.” Pro-life Democrats who weren’t fooled by or willing to compromise for the executive-order fig leaf Sunday will be quickly forgotten, defeated, or otherwise deemed useless by their party leadership -- except as a vote for Nancy Pelosi as speaker again if the Republicans don’t win big in November.
The stories of Casey and Stupak, stories that span decades, prompt an important question: Is there such a thing as a pro-life Democrat? Yes, clearly: Illinois’s Dan Lipinski, who did vote no last night and tried to keep the Stupak crowd strong, is one. But what does that mean in a party whose platform is inimical to his principle on such a key calling of our humanity?
What we saw in the health-care debate is that the Democratic party -- as defined by its national leaders -- is a party that, when given a choice between abortion and universal health care, as it was on Friday night before Stupak gave in, chooses abortion.
Mark Stricherz explained the situation well in his 2007 book Why the Democrats Are Blue: Secular Liberalism and the Decline of the People’s Party. As he said to me: “National party leaders have suspect motives and competence. No matter the cost, they fight hardest to prevent unborn infants from having legal protection. After the 2000 election, Stanley Greenberg wrote a post-election analysis in which he partly attributed Al Gore’s defeat to his unlimited support for abortion rights. So what was the first major event for the party’s candidates in 2004? It was a dinner celebrated by NARAL honoring the 30th anniversary of Roe v. Wade. After the 2004 election, Greenberg wrote another post-election analysis in which he largely attributed John Kerry’s defeat to his unlimited support for abortion rights and backing of civil unions. So have the party’s top nominees run away from gay-rights groups and the abortion industry? No, they attended events hosted by Planned Parenthood and the Human Rights Campaign.”
Does it have to be this way? I suspect this state of affairs can’t go on indefinitely. Take Stricherz’s points. Consider the fact that Barack Obama won despite his abortion extremism in 2008 (he lied about abortion then, just as he did about this bill). Realize that the truth of this bill can’t be hidden forever: Soon, the farce that is the executive order Bart Stupak agreed to will undergo the analysis of more observers than just the U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops. Politics may well wake up the party leadership. If it doesn’t, politicians of conscience are going to have to walk. “Pro-life” is just talk if you’re a vote for Nancy Pelosi as speaker and a vote for the most radical embrace of abortion by a branch of the federal government since Roe v. Wade.
In other words, for the moment, “pro-life Democrat” is a category that doesn’t really exist. As for the pro-life Democrat “no” votes left standing alone and useless last night, God bless them.
-- Kathryn Jean Lopez is editor-at-large of National Review Online.
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Google officially ends censorship in China
[Silicon Valley, Startups, Venture Capital, Silicon Valley, CA, Digital Media] (VentureBeat)Google has finally pulled the plug, ceasing censorship on Google.cn by redirecting users to its unfiltered Hong Kong property, Google.com.hk. Relations between Google and China have been strained since the start of the year, exacerbated by attacks from hackers on the search engine. While Google never explicitly said the attacks were directly connected to the Chinese government, it was all but implied in the search giant’s language and supported by later research from independent securit ...
Google has finally pulled the plug, ceasing censorship on Google.cn by redirecting users to its unfiltered Hong Kong property, Google.com.hk.
Relations between Google and China have been strained since the start of the year, exacerbated by attacks from hackers on the search engine. While Google never explicitly said the attacks were directly connected to the Chinese government, it was all but implied in the search giant’s language and supported by later research from independent security consultants. This came on top of the government’s highly controlling censorship requirements and refusal to allow access to websites like Facebook, YouTube, Blogger and more.
The company warns that increased traffic on its Hong Kong servers might slow down search results, but says the shift was explicitly designed to give users in mainland China access to information and pages that their government previously blocked.
“The Chinese government has been crystal clear throughout our discussions that self-censorship is a non-negotiable legal requirement,” reads the post on Google’s Official Blog. “We believe this new approach of providing uncensored search in simplified Chinese from Google.com.hk is a sensible solution to the challenges we’ve faced — it’s entirely legal and will meaningfully increase access to information for people in China.”
Funneling users to a different site is a workable solution for now, but Google acknowledges that the Chinese government could choose to shut off access to the new site at any time. To keep tabs on what is and is not being allowed, the company launched a web site (see screenshot above) listing which of its services are being permitted in China, updated daily. Right now, web and image search, news, ads and Gmail have the green light, while YouTube, Blogger and Google Sites are down.
The change in strategy does not mean that Google is pulling out of China entirely. It will still base some sales and research operations there. The company also included a disclaimer in its announcement, asking that Google employees in China not be blamed or targeted for their employers’ actions — executives in the U.S. are to be held responsible for these decisions.
When Google first announced that it would be rolling back censorship in January, employees reported feeling an immense sense of pride that their company was doing the right thing, going out on a limb and sacrificing revenue in the name of freedom of information. Shortly thereafter, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton gave a speech exalting unrestricted internet access as a right that her department would defend worldwide. It seemed to Googlers that their executive team had preempted, and maybe even set U.S. policy.
But now that the change has actually been made, it’s somewhat bittersweet for those on the inside. It turns out that the company won’t be leaving much behind revenue-wise — but there’s a sense that its missing out on a huge opportunity to shape public and civil discourse in China in a positive and meaningful way, several sources close to the company said following the news.
These same sources tell us that Google is already moving senior executives in China to their other offices. There was a lot of money invested in the search engine’s efforts there, but also human capital, that will be redistributed for now.
It will be interesting to see how long it takes China to fully shut off access to Google.com.hk. No news has been released on how the public or the government there has reacted to the company’s incredibly bold, yet not unsurprising move.
Companies: Google
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MIDDAY ROUNDUP
[Politics, Washington, D.C.] (Blog Briefing Room)FROM THE BLOGS: Up next: Court challenges - Ed Morrissey, Hot Air Radanovich denies yelling 'baby killer' - Brian Beutler, TPMDC Barbershop secession - Matt Welch, Hit & Run Noam Chomsky in the veal pen - Matthew Yglesias AIPAC: Hillary Clinton arrives - Jennifer Rubin, contentions Company town - paradox, Open Left Tehran's terrible future - James Carafano, The Foundry National House ballot, post-hcr baseline - Chris Bowers, Open Left Why this time is different - Neil Stevens, RedState Will the ...
FROM THE BLOGS:
Up next: Court challenges - Ed Morrissey, Hot Air
Radanovich denies yelling 'baby killer' - Brian Beutler, TPMDC
Barbershop secession - Matt Welch, Hit & Run
Noam Chomsky in the veal pen - Matthew Yglesias
AIPAC: Hillary Clinton arrives - Jennifer Rubin, contentions
Company town - paradox, Open Left
Tehran's terrible future - James Carafano, The Foundry
National House ballot, post-hcr baseline - Chris Bowers, Open Left
Why this time is different - Neil Stevens, RedState
Will the GOP really stand against sidecar? - David Dayden, firedoglake
Pawlenty's busy week - GOP12
A president who put it all on the line - Steve Benen, Political Animal
A disaster that didn't happen - Robert Stein, The Moderate Voice
Hillary Clinton's warm welcome - Benjamin Sarlin, Daily Beast
How'd the internet affect the healthcare battle? - Micah Sifry, techPresident
OTHER NEWS SOURCES:
Obama, Dems gain momentum from healthcare victory - The Hill
Obama hails healthcare vote - New York Times
Health bill awaits Obama's signature - Washington Post
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An interview with Kaiser's Drew Altman
[Politics] (Ezra Klein)Drew Altman is chief executive of the Kaiser Family Foundation, the largest and most respected health-care foundation in the country. He also writes the "Pulling It Together" column. So he seemed like a good guy to ask about the bill. A transcript of our conversation follows. Tell me, in the simplest possible terms, what this bill does. To boil it down, it does four things, and I’m putting them in order of importance and power. First, the coverage expansions and subsidies. Second, the insu ...
Drew Altman is chief executive of the Kaiser Family Foundation, the largest and most respected health-care foundation in the country. He also writes the "Pulling It Together" column. So he seemed like a good guy to ask about the bill. A transcript of our conversation follows.
Tell me, in the simplest possible terms, what this bill does.
To boil it down, it does four things, and I’m putting them in order of importance and power. First, the coverage expansions and subsidies. Second, the insurance market reform. Third, cost containment. And fourth, there's a prevention component. And if you wanted to go a bit more concrete, what it does is cover about 32 million people, reforms insurance and makes a start on cost containment, while, according to CBO, decreasing the deficit and saving a trillion dollars.There are some things it doesn’t do. It doesn’t cover everyone. It comes reasonably close. It helps an awful lot of people pay their bills, but it doesn’t fundamentally alter the cost curve. Instead, it makes a start on altering that cost curve. It throws most of the best ideas on the table, but we don’t know which will work and which won’t. It doesn’t change how most Americans get their health care now. That was, of course, by design: The lesson of the Clinton effort was that the third rail of health-care reform was people’s current arrangements. And while some of the bill starts soon, some of it doesn’t start for several years. If you go to 15,000 feet, I guess I would say it is centrist legislation leaning a little bit left.
When you talk about the Clinton plan, past efforts at health-care reform were really health-care reform. You pass the bill and you wake up to a different system. But not this one. This is sort of a health-care expansion with components that encourage gradual reform. Is that a fair way to put it?
That's a fair way to put it. It is in fact insurance reform more than it is health delivery reform. And while health reform people are often dismissive of insurance reform, I’m not. This debate has traction because of average Americans who have problems paying their bill and problems with insurers and this is directly responsive to that. The bill got into trouble in June and July and August when the message began to stray from the focus on affordability and people’s problems with the health-care system and began to focus on the concerns of experts. Experts and average people look at this very differently.
What happens now that it's passed?
Moving forward, this is a giant improvement over the status quo. It will do more to help people than any domestic legislation in 40 years. But how it will actually work out will be as much a function of how the American people react to the law as what’s written into the law today. The lessons from every other nation is that health-care reform doesn’t stop when you pass the legislation, it is always evolving.
What concerns you about the legislation?
I think you have to worry about an expectations gap. Premiums will continue to go up. There are some questions when we get to subsidies whether everyone who gets a subsidy will feel the policies are affordable. The other side of it is that for most Americans, little will change. But premiums will continue to go up. So there might be an expectations problem.
The other thing is that the debate about subsidies has been about premiums. But you also have to look at total out-of-pocket costs. There are two things people really understand in insurance: Their premium and their deductibles. And some of these deductibles could be pretty large. So most people will find there is nothing to fear and little will change, but affordability will continue to be a challenge.
Finally, the midterm elections are the next great focus for health reform and so the effort to inform the American people about what the law does will be critical. We’ve discovered in our polling that while the law itself plays to mixed reviews in the public debate, most of the key components are quite popular. The question is whether the American people find out about them. Only 15 percent of people know that CBO said the legislation will reduce the deficit. If you ask people how they’d feel if they knew that, more than 50 percent say they’d become much more likely to support it.
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Mitchell called in after bloody weekend in the West Bank, , Laura Hilger
[Citizen Journalism] (openDemocracy)Author: Laura Hilger Summary: U.S. envoy dispatched following settlement row and escalating violence in the West Bank. Tight race as Iraqis await final election results. FARC kidnaps five in Colombia. Influential Nepalese peace broker dies at 86. All this and more in today’s security briefing. U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton has dispatched envoy George Mitchell to th ...
Author:Laura HilgerSummary:U.S. envoy dispatched following settlement row and escalating violence in the West Bank. Tight race as Iraqis await final election results. FARC kidnaps five in Colombia. Influential Nepalese peace broker dies at 86. All this and more in today’s security briefing.U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton has dispatched envoy George Mitchell to the middle east in a further effort to restart talks between Israel and the Palestinian Authority. Originally due in the region more than a week ago, Mitchell was delayed following the Israeli announcement of plans for 1,600 new builds in East Jerusalem. Mitchell hopes to restart negotiations between Israel and the Palestinian Authority through a series of indirect talks between the two nations covering a range of core issues in the conflict.
Mitchell’s arrival coincides with escalating violence and unrest in the West Bank where Israeli soldiers killed four men this weekend. Two nineteen-year-olds were killed near Nablus while a further two teenagers, aged sixteen and seventeen, died of bullet wounds in Iraq Burin. The Israeli army insists only rubber bullets were used. The deaths follow escalating tensions and frequent protests in both the West Bank and East Jerusalem against Israeli settlement plans in territories.
The openSecurity verdict: With Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu rigidly defending settlement expansion in East Jerusalem, renewed peace talks between Israel and the Palestinian Authority seem unlikely to succeed. While Netanyahu has suggested confidence-building measures to improve relations between Israel and the Palestinians and announced an economic plan for Israeli Arab towns, the weekend's violence will outweigh any such attempts and give a greater voice to Palestinian anger in the West Bank.
Despite Netanyahu’s plans for confidence-building and economic reform, successful peace negotiations are unlikely unless the issue of the territorial status of East Jerusalem is addressed. East Jerusalem was unilaterally annexed by Israel following the 1967 war and has since been claimed as a legitimate part of the Israeli state, and as such is off limits for prospective negotiations.
Though tensions between the U.S. and Israel have eased following the settlement row, George Mitchell will need to take a tough stance with Israel if they hope to succeed in renewing talks between the two nations. Though Israel certainly has the upper hand in negotiations, it will need to make many concessions if it is to regain the goodwill of the middle east Quartet and bring the Palestinian Authority to the table. International pressure, from the U.S. as well as others, will need to exceed verbal reproaches if Israeli settlements are to be frozen and reversed, Palestinian conditions improved, and the US goal of a negotiated settlement with 24 months achieved.
Newly released results indicate tight race in Iraqi elections as public awaits final count
The Iraqi election commission has rejected the recent call by President Jalal Talibani for an official recount in the recent parliamentary elections. Talibani says he made the demand “as the president of the state, authorized to preserve the constitution and to ensure justice and absolute transparency,” arguing that a recount would “preclude any doubt and misunderstanding” about election results. Ballot counting since the 7 March elections has been slow and inundated with claims of fraud by rival parties.
The latest results, representing 95% of the ballots, shows former Prime Minister Ayad Allawi leading the polls by 0.1% over current Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki. However, the lead has shifted several times since the elections, indicating an extremely close result regardless of who wins. Additionally, al-Maliki currently leads in seven of Iraq’s eighteen provinces. The 325 parliamentary seats are allocated based on the voting outcome in each province.
Final results are expected Friday evening. Once released, the results will need to be certified by the Supreme Court as soon as all formal complaints have been investigated. Additionally, the close results indicate that weeks of intense negotiations to form a new government are to come, which to a significant degree will determine federal priorities for the next four years.
FARC kidnap five oil workers in Colombia
The Revolutionary Armed Forced of Colombia (FARC) has kidnapped five oil contractors near the Carcare oilfield in the Colombian state of Arauca. The kidnapped men were working for Tuboscope and Tecnioriente, oil service companies subcontracted by the local division of Occidental Petroleum. A sixth man escaped as the remaining five were taken into a mountainous area near the Venezuelan border, pursued by army troops and helicopters. The governor of Arauca, Luis Ataya, has said he believes the men were taken for ransom.
Violence and kidnappings have fallen during the presidency of Alvaro Uribe, however such kidnappings still underscore the guerrilla threat in the country’s ongoing conflict. Improvements during the Uribe administration have drawn significant foreign investment to the country, particularly in mining and oil. Colombia is now the fourth largest oil producer in the region, with an output of 700,000 barrels per day.
At present, the FARC holds an additional 24 soldiers and policemen as political leverage. These newest kidnappings come days before the expected release of two soldiers, one of whom has been held for twelve years in the FARC’s secret camps.
Nepalese peace broker dies at 86
Girija Prasad Koirala, the former prime minister of Nepal, died Saturday following heart problems that had seen him in and out of hospital in recent months. Koirala is known for leading mass demonstrations in 2006 against the authoritarian rule of then-King Gyanendra and called for the reinstatement of parliament. U.N. Secretary General Ban Ki-moon has declared his death “a huge loss for Nepal and its ongoing peace process.”
Koirala played a key role in the demobilisation of Maoist insurgents and their reincorporation into mainstream politics. Following the abolition of the monarchy in May 2008, Koirala stepped down from his position as prime minister to allow the new coalition government to take power. The current transition to democracy has been stalled as political parties argue over the fate of former rebel fighters currently confined to U.N.-monitored camps. Additionally, a new constitution, expected by May 2010, is being stalled by party disagreements. Koirala had been trying to arrange an agreement between the two parties at the time of his death, and there are fears that the ongoing peace process will falter without his leadership and influence.
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Uwe Reinhardt: We are not 'off the hook' on costs
[Politics] (Ezra Klein)Uwe Reinhardt is a Princeton health-care economist, a longtime member of the Institute of Medicine and a frequent contributor to the New York Times Economix blog. I spoke to him earlier today about the cost controls in the bill. The CBO says this bill will save more than a trillion dollars. Should we believe them? Well, the CBO’s numbers, these poor guys have to guess, and this is the best they can do with a messy bill. By and large, this bill tries to pay for itself, and a little bit more. ...
Uwe Reinhardt is a Princeton health-care economist, a longtime member of the Institute of Medicine and a frequent contributor to the New York Times Economix blog. I spoke to him earlier today about the cost controls in the bill.
The CBO says this bill will save more than a trillion dollars. Should we believe them?
Well, the CBO’s numbers, these poor guys have to guess, and this is the best they can do with a messy bill. By and large, this bill tries to pay for itself, and a little bit more. They’re carving out $500 billion from Medicare. There are genuine, real taxes on high-income people, particularly the broadening of the tax base for Medicare.
When you think about cost, there are two questions: What does it do to the deficit, and what does it do for national health spending? The bill does not necessarily do much for national spending. But it puts in the architecture that would make it possible, if we wanted to have cost containment, to do it rationally. That’s the program on bundling payments, the research on comparative effectiveness and the Medicare Commission. All of that needs to be done. And if it is done, this bill makes it possible for someone willing to control costs to do it and have the evidence to defend it.
This argument that the bill is a start on cost control – is it an argument or a rationalization? Do you need to build this infrastructure before you control costs, or is this just putting the hard decisions off till later?
I think it’s necessary. When McAllen, Texas, became the poster child for high spending, suddenly the Wall Street Journal jumped out to say that it’s spending was justified! The only way to answer that is to have the really good research to say this isn’t justified. So we need this research to be able to tell Miami that they’re not going to get three times as much as Minnesota in the future. At the moment, we don’t have the evidence to make that case.
Health-care reformers say that you can’t get reform if you slap the providers in the face. They have to buy in. If you tried to do what the Clintons did and tell hospitals and doctors that this reform will make them poorer, that’s the kiss of death. Even the pope couldn’t cut health-care costs in the short run. It’s a 10-year strategy.
How about the cost controls on the insurance side? Things like the exchanges, the excise tax. Are you optimistic this will work?
I’m very optimistic on the exchanges. Think of how insurance is sold. Some insurers say they need to burn 40 percent of their premiums on administration and advertising and brokers. Imagine telling another country that America’s insurers need to be able to burn 40 cents of every dollar. That’s going to end in the exchanges. And that will save a lot of money.
And the excise tax?
There’s an assumption that that will move people out of such generous policies and increase take home pay. I’m an economist. When I teach students, I believe this stuff. But I have my doubts that it will work. I would have liked to see a tax on the place of work rather than the insurers. I would have said if you make less than $75,000, you don’t pay any tax. If you make between $75,001 and $199,999, you pay taxes on some of the insurance. And if you make above $200,000, the whole thing is taxed.
So what comes next? If this is the first step, what should the second step be?
This thing will not get us off the hook cost-wise. But it’s a bit like moving into a house. You’ll spend another half year having workmen come fix the house. The individual mandate, for instance, is not good enough. You could still have young people pay the fine, and you’ll get the death spiral. I think they should have a window, if you enroll now, you’re in the club. But if you don’t enroll now, if you decide to play the adverse risk selection game, then if you try to reenroll, you can be discriminated against for health status.
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What Clinton will say to AIPAC
[Foreign Policy Magazine] (The Cable)U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton is speaking this morning to the AIPAC conference, only hours ahead of her meeting with Israeli Prime Minister Bibi Netanyahu. President Obama invited Netanyahu to meet him on Tuesday night. Clinton will spend some time in her speech directly addressing the settlement issue that touched off the public spat between her and Netanyahu next week. Here are some key excerpts from her soon-to-be-delivered remarks: "For President Obama, for me, and for ...
U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton is speaking this morning to the AIPAC conference, only hours ahead of her meeting with Israeli Prime Minister Bibi Netanyahu. President Obama invited Netanyahu to meet him on Tuesday night.
Clinton will spend some time in her speech directly addressing the settlement issue that touched off the public spat between her and Netanyahu next week. Here are some key excerpts from her soon-to-be-delivered remarks:
- "For President Obama, for me, and for this entire administration, our commitment to Israel's security and Israel's future is rock solid."
- "Elements in Iran's government have become a menace, both to their own people and in the region. Iran's President foments anti-Semitism, and threatens to destroy Israel."
- "In addition to threatening Israel, a nuclear-armed Iran would embolden its terrorist clientele and would spark an arms race that could destabilize the region. This is unacceptable. Unacceptable to the United States. Unacceptable to Israel. And unacceptable to the region and the international community."
- "So let me be very clear: The United States is determined to prevent Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons."
- "We are working with our partners in the United Nations on new Security Council sanctions that will show Iran's leaders that there are real consequences for their intransigence, that the only choice is to live up to their international obligations. Our aim is not incremental sanctions, but sanctions that will bite. It is taking time to produce these sanctions, and we believe that time is a worthwhile investment for winning the broadest possible support for our efforts. But we will not compromise our commitment to preventing Iran from acquiring these weapons."
- "Iran is not the only threat on the horizon. Israel today is confronting some of the toughest challenges in her history. The conflict with the Palestinians and with Israel's Arab neighbors is an obstacle to prosperity and opportunity for Israelis, Palestinians, and people across the region. And it threatens Israel's long-term future as a secure and democratic Jewish state."
- "As Israel's friend, it is our responsibility to give credit when it is due and to tell the truth when it is needed."
- "The status quo is unsustainable for all sides. It promises only more violence and unrealized aspirations. Staying on this course means continuing a conflict that carries tragic human costs. Israeli and Palestinian children alike deserve to grow up free from fear and to have the opportunity to live up to their full God-given potential."
- "There is another path. A path that leads toward security and prosperity for all the people of the region. It will require all parties - including Israel - to make difficult but necessary choices."
- "The way forward is clear: two states for two peoples living side by side in peace and security, with peace between Israel and Syria, and Israel and Lebanon, and normal relations between Israel and all the Arab states. A comprehensive peace that is real and not a slogan, that is rooted in genuine recognition of Israel's right to exist in peace and security, offers the best way to ensure Israel's enduring survival and well-being. And, it is a goal that the Obama administration is determined to achieve."
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Leeds want Lee Smith back from Wasps as Jamie Peacock injury looms
[Guardian] (Sport: Rugby league | guardian.co.uk)• Wing has made one senior union appearance • England captain awaits foot injury newsLeeds have approached Lee Smith to return from rugby union. The Rhinos are suffering an injury crisis that is undermining their Super League title defence and which could strike its most serious blow , when the England captain, Jamie Peacock, discovers the extent of the ligament damage in his foot.The Rhinos are hoping to sign Smith, who joined Wasps after scoring the winning try in last October's Grand Fina ...
• Wing has made one senior union appearance
• England captain awaits foot injury newsLeeds have approached Lee Smith to return from rugby union. The Rhinos are suffering an injury crisis that is undermining their Super League title defence and which could strike its most serious blow , when the England captain, Jamie Peacock, discovers the extent of the ligament damage in his foot.
The Rhinos are hoping to sign Smith, who joined Wasps after scoring the winning try in last October's Grand Final against St Helens, on a short-term loan to cover games against Bradford and the Catalans Dragons over Easter, followed by consecutive fixtures against Hull in the league and the Challenge Cup. The 23-year-old utility back has made one senior appearance in his first four months in union, in a 9-3 LV Cup victory at Newcastle in February.
Gary Hetherington, the Leeds chief executive, is in La Manga with his Wasps counterpart, Tony Copsey, at a Leaders in Football conference. He refused to be drawn on Smith but said: "We are short on numbers and we are trying to recruit players. We are casting our net far and wide."
Hetherington ruled out the possibility of bringing in a new signing for Friday's game at Wigan, but said that Leeds hoped to have completed a short-term deal before Easter.
The Rhinos have lost the Australian wing Scott Donald for three months with a wrist injury; his most obvious replacement, Kallum Watkins, is out for the season with a ruptured cruciate ligament; and the centre Carl Ablett will be out for another month with a knee problem. Leeds fielded a teenage second-row forward, Chris Clarkson, on one wing against Hull KR last Friday and Michael Coady, a centre from Bristol who has made 12 senior rugby league appearances in the lower divisions, on the other.
Leeds's 17-10 loss was their first home defeat by Hull KR since 1985 and their third reverse in four matches. Their prospects of a quick recovery will recede if a specialist confirms the club's worst fears over Peacock, who limped off after an hour against Rovers. The Rhinos' captain, Kevin Sinfield, who has missed the last two games with a thigh injury, is doubtful for the Wigan game but Ryan Hall, Danny Buderus, Ryan Bailey and Tom Bush should be fit to return.
The Dragons, who have one win from seven games this season and a similarly long injury list, have released their stand-off, Adam Mogg, to rejoin the Canberra Raiders. Mogg, who joined the Dragons in 2007, had 18 months left on his contract but was homesick.
The Dragons have yet to secure a replacement, with Danny Brough expected to join Huddersfield from Wakefield despite problems on the terms of the deal and the Crusaders remaining in the box seat to sign Clinton Schifcofske from Ulster rugby union.
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Google raises stakes in China censorship row
[News, Guardian] (The Guardian World News)Search giant moves operation to Hong Kong to avoid Beijing's rules after two-month standoff over internet freedom Liveblog: Google shuts down Chinese search engine Google shut down its search service on the Chinese mainland tonight after a two-month standoff with Beijing over internet freedom and alleged cyber-attacks by hackers. The company shifted its Chinese-language offering to Hong Kong, allowing it to stop self-censoring but risking the ire of the Chinese authorities.Initial tests tonight ...
Search giant moves operation to Hong Kong to avoid Beijing's rules after two-month standoff over internet freedom
Liveblog: Google shuts down Chinese search engine
Google shut down its search service on the Chinese mainland tonight after a two-month standoff with Beijing over internet freedom and alleged cyber-attacks by hackers. The company shifted its Chinese-language offering to Hong Kong, allowing it to stop self-censoring but risking the ire of the Chinese authorities.
Initial tests tonight suggested that the Chinese government's filtering system would still prevent mainland users seeing the results of many sensitive searches. The search engine shocked the industry when it announced in January that it was no longer willing to remove sensitive material from results, as it had to do to operate from the mainland.
The furore highlighted the challenges of doing business in China for western companies and drew a line under the era of unfettered optimism about the internet's ability to change the country.
The company now believes it has found a legal way out, and said it intended to maintain its research, development and advertising sales business in China.
But it acknowledged that authorities could block the site.
While google.cn now redirects visitors to google.com.hk, the Chinese government's internet filtering system, "the Great Firewall", prevented results being returned when searches were conducted using sensitive words and phrases.
The use of English and Chinese phrases such as "Tiananmen Square 1989" on google.com.hk resulted in the internet connection being reset.
Although Hong Kong is part of China, the "one country, two systems" framework means it operates under different laws. Google already had a search service there using the territory's traditional characters, but has added a simplified Chinese service for mainland users.
"We believe this new approach of providing uncensored search in simplified Chinese from Google.com.hk is a sensible solution to the challenges we've faced – it's entirely legal and will meaningfully increase access to information for people in China," said the company's chief legal officer, David Drummond in a statement on the Google blog.
"We very much hope that the Chinese government respects our decision, though we are well aware that it could at any time block access to our services."
Google has created a new web page to allow people to monitor the services are available in China.
Drummond acknowledged that the company had found it hard to find a solution to their promise to stop censoring.
But acknowledging concerns about the repercussions of angering authorities, Google added: "We would like to make clear that all these decisions have been driven and implemented by our executives in the United States, and that none of our employees in China can, or should, be held responsible for them."
The company has several hundred staff on the mainland.
The announcement came at 3am in China, meaning that there has been no response from officials as yet. Rebecca MacKinnon, visiting fellow at Princeton's Centre for Information Technology Policy, said: "It appears they are not doing anything that violates Chinese law – google.cn has ceased to exist. What they are doing in Hong Kong is in bounds of the law there."
"Clearly they want to keep R&D; and ad sales so I guess it's in the Chinese government's court to figure out whether they should be allowed to do that."
She added: "I don't know if they would block the whole thing or just make sure that you can't search for anything sensitive anyway - it depends on how hardline they want to be. Google is not defying Chinese law on Chinese soil."
On Twitter, a blogger Michael Anti wrote: "Google Quit is a waking-up call for all Chinese netizens: We are not 2nd class. Like all, we deserve an uncensored Internet."
While some Chinese internet users have welcomed the company's decision, others warned that its departure would reduce the flow of information.
Google said in January that its decision to stop censoring followed a cyber-attack, originating from China, that it believed was aimed at gathering information on Chinese human rights activists as well as intellectual property. It has yet to disclose details of that incident.
But it also cited increasing censorship of the internet over the last years, which has seen authorities closing thousands of domestic sites and blocking an increasing number hosted overseas.
Google has around a third of the mainland search market in terms of revenue. Its departure from the mainland will be good news for Baidu, the dominant player, but may also prompt other companies to enter the market.
Google.com is available from China, but has been blocked at times in the past.
Chinese authorities initially gave a muted response to Google's January announcement, but later hardened their line – particularly after US secretary of state Hillary Clinton gave a major speech on internet freedom. Earlier this month, Li Yizhong, minister for industry and information technology, told reporters: "If you want to do something that disobeys Chinese law and regulations, you are unfriendly, you are irresponsible and you will have to pay the consequences."
This weekend state media accused Google of "politicization" by "groundlessly accusing the Chinese government" of supporting cyber attacks and by trying to export "culture, values and ideas".
The government has also denied any connection to cyber-attacks, saying hacking is illegal and that China has repeatedly been a target.
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U.S.: Water Crisis High on Policy Agenda, Clinton Says
[Human Rights] (IPS Inter Press Service)WASHINGTON, Mar 22 (IPS) - On a rainy morning here Monday, U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton emphasised the centrality to U.S. foreign policy of addressing the world's water challenges.
WASHINGTON, Mar 22 (IPS) - On a rainy morning here Monday, U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton emphasised the centrality to U.S. foreign policy of addressing the world's water challenges. -
The Breadbasket of America: New England?
[The Atlantic] (Food :: The Atlantic)JapanBlack/flickr On a recent Friday morning, Wheatberry Bakery in Amherst, Massachusetts, was humming with activity. Behind hand-built wooden counters set with delicate French tiles, co-owner Adrie Lester dealt a brisk business in organic scones and muffins, loaves of fragrant artisanal bread, soups, and sandwiches. In the bakery's kitchen, her husband, Ben, kneaded a batch of dough, then paused to slip a tray of sourdough baguettes into the oven. The Lesters opened their business in 2005 ...
JapanBlack/flickr
On a recent Friday morning, Wheatberry Bakery in Amherst, Massachusetts, was humming with activity. Behind hand-built wooden counters set with delicate French tiles, co-owner Adrie Lester dealt a brisk business in organic scones and muffins, loaves of fragrant artisanal bread, soups, and sandwiches. In the bakery's kitchen, her husband, Ben, kneaded a batch of dough, then paused to slip a tray of sourdough baguettes into the oven.
The Lesters opened their business in 2005 and quickly established themselves as a neighborhood fixture. But in early 2008, everything changed. Commodity crop prices went haywire, sending the cost of flour soaring. "It was catastrophic," Ben said. The Lesters decided that basing their products on an ingredient produced thousands of miles away in the Midwest no longer made good business sense, and they began to ask what it would take to source grain from local growers.
Two years later, an estimated 10 percent of the grains they use are locally grown, a number they hope to increase over time. In the meantime, the Lesters have poured their energies into a related endeavor: organizing the region's first grain CSA, which in 2009 had approximately 115 members, with a waiting list to match. Last October, Ben and Adrie installed an electric mill in their bakery; now, a day rarely passes without a member stopping by to say hello and grind some grain into flour. The Lesters offer a remarkable example of the creative, community-focused thinking that has driven the local foods movement for the past decade, and they are not alone. From Maine and Vermont to New York and Pennsylvania, a growing number of farmers, bakers, brewers, distillers, and food educators are working to create a regional grain network throughout the Northeast.
Of course, there are the old-timers, like Daisy Flour in southeastern Pennsylvania, which has milled local wheat continuously since the late 19th century, and the relative old-timers—like Vermont's Butterworks Farm and Gleason Grains, which have been growing grain for human consumption (as opposed to livestock feed) since the 1980s. Then there is the "new" generation. In 2006, veteran baker Don Lewis, of Wild Hive Farm in Clinton Corners, New York, began exclusively sourcing local grains for his breads and rugelach. Rochester's Small World Bakery launched a bread club in 2007 that provides members with a weekly loaf baked from New York flour. And Cayuga Pure Organics, a 600-acre grain and beans farm, was founded in 2003 by two long-time Ithaca farmers, Erick Smith and Dan Lathwell.
Last year, Cayuga joined New York City's Greenmarket system as its first supplier of whole grains, beans, and flour. Greenmarket publicity manager, Sabine Hrechdakian, said customers have been overwhelmingly enthusiastic. "In recent years we've seen [local vegetables and] grass-fed meat take off," she said. "Grains are the new frontier."
Once upon a time, of course, local grain was de rigueur. Before America's amber waves settled in the Great Plains (Kansas and North Dakota produce most of the country's bread wheat, each harvesting over eight million acres annually), the East was America's original breadbasket. This early production was, by default, hyper-local—grown by individuals and ground at home, or in small communal gristmills.
In 1825, the Erie Canal opened up trade routes that enabled New York's fertile Genesee Valley to emerge as a leading wheat producer. The canal also helped establish cities like Rochester and Buffalo as early centers of industrial milling. According to the late Blake McKelvey, a former Rochester city historian, Rochester boasted 21 active flourmills by 1835, enough to earn it the title Flour City.
A few vestiges remain, like Birkett Mills, which has ground buckwheat in Penn Yan, New York, since 1797. "I guess nobody told them that flour milling was moving out west," joked Luke Stoldola of Small World Bakery. For the most part, however, the mills have long since closed or been converted for other uses.
Today's grain advocates hope to restore the vibrant regional grain economy in the Northeast, and—with people like the Lesters on board—they have reason to be hopeful. Still, there are potential stumbling blocks ahead. The movement is relatively new, and despite organizing efforts (like the Northern Grain Growers Association in Vermont and the Northeast Organic Wheat Project), it is still largely fragmented. Lack of infrastructure—mills and processing facilities—is another limiting factor.
Then there are the seeds. Several of the Northeastern wheat growers have begun to experiment with heritage or "landrace" varieties. Cayuga Pure Organics, for example, grows the ancient wheat ancestors emmer and freekeh (roasted green spelt) along with more familiar grains. These heritage varieties are heralded among the converted for their genetic diversity, adaptability, and complex flavor. "Modern wheat tastes like cardboard in comparison," said Eli Rogosa, a baker, farmer, and heritage wheat advocate who is regarded as the unofficial high priestess of the movement.
Nonetheless, heritage wheats can pose challenges in the kitchen—particularly varieties that contain less gluten, which helps form chewy, fully raised loaves. "Some people say you just have to revise your expectations from the Midwestern flour standard," said Erik Andrus, who founded Good Companion Bakery in Vermont. "But as a baker, I'm not ready for that."
Additionally, many heritage varieties are currently available only in tiny quantities. Grains were commoditized over 100 years ago and never favored by backyard gardeners, said Elizabeth Dyck, who coordinates the Northeast Organic Wheat Project under the umbrella of the Northeast Organic Farming Association of New York. As a result, many varieties exist only in gene banks or on small experimental plots.
Growing out the seed populations is possible but will take time, organization, and funding. In the meantime, consumers and businesses are left waiting. Take King Arthur Flour, the beloved Vermont-based flour company with significant nationwide distribution. King Arthur's bakery director, Jeffrey Hamelman, said the company is 100 percent behind using local wheat, and last year the company started baking a "Vermont Grains" loaf at its on-site bakery. For now, however, the flour sold under its label still hails, by necessity, from the Midwest.
Grain was a latecomer to the "eat local" movement but has proven a compelling addition. Whether or not it moves into the mainstream relies on how well the key players can work together. This January, the Northeast Organic Wheat Project and the Greenmarket co-hosted a "local grains tasting" in New York City. Farmers and millers from across the Northeast met with some of the city's best chefs, bakers, and distillers to sample heritage wheats and discuss their common goals and challenges.
According to Dyck, these continued dialogues are critical to realizing the vision of a vibrant Northeastern grain economy. "People are good at figuring out how to get from A to B, but without more conversations, it will remain a very niche thing," she said. "Still, do I think we can produce a substantial amount of grain in the Northeast with the right support? Absolutely."

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Your Special Edition Abbreviated Pundit Round-up
[Politics] (Daily Kos)Anything happen Sunday? I turned on the TV and saw Karl Rove yelling at someone (turns out it was David Plouffe he was trying to shout down.) Tells you everything you need to know. Dana Milbank: "Hell, no, you can't!" Boehner shouted at the Democrats. "No, you can't! No, you can't!" echoed the protesters outside. But they could. And at 10:45 p.m., after 14 months of trying, 219 Democrats finally did. NY Times: Mr. Obama’s push for the health care overhaul has been the hallmark o ...
Anything happen Sunday? I turned on the TV and saw Karl Rove yelling at someone (turns out it was David Plouffe he was trying to shout down.) Tells
you everything you need to know.
"Hell, no, you can't!" Boehner shouted at the Democrats.
"No, you can't! No, you can't!" echoed the protesters outside.
But they could. And at 10:45 p.m., after 14 months of trying, 219 Democrats finally did.
Mr. Obama’s push for the health care overhaul has been the hallmark of his presidency.
Democrats said that in taking a big step toward guaranteeing every American health insurance, they were creating a new program every bit as important as Social Security and Medicare.
This newfound confidence has been palpable throughout the health care debate. Yes, liberals have wrung their hands over the compromises required to pass the bill. But nothing has dislodged their fundamental assumption — an assumption straight out of the golden age of ’60’s liberalism — that a bill this costly, this complicated and this risky can be made to work, so long as the right people are in charge of implementing it.
As a conservative, I suspect they’re wrong. But now that the bill has passed, as a citizen of the United States, I dearly hope they’re right.
The alternative, glossed over by Douthat, remains unacceptable.
Health-care reform is focused on another group: the working class. People with jobs, but not jobs that are good enough to offer them health-care benefits. People with paychecks, but who aren't making quite enough money to bear the cost of insurance. People who're buying insurance on their own, which means they don't get the good deals that big employers get, and they don't get a giant tax break to help them out. But these aren't lazy people, or layabouts. These are people who've been left behind in the system. We spend a lot more money to give a lot more help to a lot of folks who need it less than this group does. ...
These are the folks health-care reform is meant to help. The fact that they can't afford insurance, though, isn't evidence of some abdication of personal responsibility. It is evidence that they're not old, or very poor, or employed by a large corporation that offers health-care insurance. It is inevitable enough that health is not fair, but it is not inevitable that the health-care system acts with similar capriciousness. And if Democrats win tonight's vote, it will no longer be the case.
John Nichols (The Capital Times, Wisconsin):
Today, Social Security is so integrated into the fabric of American life that even conservatives defend it, just as they one day will defend national health care. Notably, that health care program was first proposed not by Barack Obama or Bill Clinton but by FDR, who announced in 1939 that "a comprehensive health program (is) required as an essential link in our national defenses against individual and social insecurity."
Roosevelt was proven right with regard to Social Security in his time.
Roosevelt will be proven right with regard to national health care in our time.
Joshua A. Tucker, NYU:
And so begins the shift in the narrative of the Obama presidency: from the lost year to the man who succeeded where Democrats have failed for decades, against all odds, whose methods looked doom to fail but now look brilliant in retrospect, etc. etc. I doubt very strongly that any seats will be lost over this vote, or at the very least any more than would have been lost from "incompetent Democrats can't accomplish anything" narrative that would have dominated the campaign had the bill failed. My guess: if the economy gets worse (or even fails to get better) between now and November, Democratic seat losses will probably be exacerbated in the fall. If the economy gets unexpectedly better, Democratic seat losses will be minimized. But a legislative accomplishment of this magnitude should inspire the base, which, if anything, should help in the fall.
Greg Dworkin (answering "Pelosi's triumph on health care?"):
A Pelosi triumph? I noted last week that this strong speaker was underestimated and under-credited. I predicted that when the bill passed, that would change. By the way, you really need to compare Republican rhetoric today with that which they said after Social Security passed (anyone besides Dana Milbank remember Alf Landon?) And you need to highlight the racial epithets hurled at the Congressional Black Caucus Saturday at health bill protests (confirmed by Eric Cantor on This Week – yes, it happened, and it’s disgraceful. It doesn’t matter that George C. Wallace voters don’t like the 21st century, progress and change happen regardless.) I am looking forward to passage Sunday in a historic vote. Millions of the uninsured, under insured and poorly served need this bill. And while you watch, remember John F Kennedy’s comment: victory has a thousand fathers....
Times Leader (Wilkes Barre PA) editor and publisher:
As concerned as I am about the future economic impact of this new bill, I also know it is time to stop grousing and second-guessing. The bill appears to be reality and it’s now time we all get on with our lives and our businesses.
We’ve faced bigger challenges than how to pay for the new health care reform.
It’s best we accept it and go back to work.
And I also believe we should acknowledge the fortitude and leadership the president showed to enact historic legislation and lead reform of health care.
History will now record if his leadership was prescient or ill-conceived.
WaPo:
Congressional Republicans rallied Tea Party activists to oppose the health-care legislation on the verge of being approved by Congress even as party leaders began to look beyond Sunday's vote to campaigning against the reform in the fall elections.
That would be the tea party that hurls racist epithets and homophobic slurs at members of Congress.
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How does health care bill vote affect Obama's future efforts?
[Chicago, IL, Chicago, Chicago Tribune, Starter Kit] (Chicago Breaking News)WASHINGTON -- For more than a year, the White House had one overriding rule: As long as health care was alive, no other substantial issue was to be pushed harder -- nothing that might distract from what President Barack Obama saw as Exhibit A for "Change you can believe in." That strategy plunged the White House into one of the most grueling legislative battles in modern memory. The fight was so tough and went on so long that more than once along the way, a senior presidential aide recalled last ...
WASHINGTON -- For more than a year, the White House had one overriding rule: As long as health care was alive, no other substantial issue was to be pushed harder -- nothing that might distract from what President Barack Obama saw as Exhibit A for "Change you can believe in."
That strategy plunged the White House into one of the most grueling legislative battles in modern memory. The fight was so tough and went on so long that more than once along the way, a senior presidential aide recalled last week, he had to stop, close his eyes and remind himself, "breathe, breathe."
But late Sunday night, Obama got his historic victory. Now he could stand before a skeptical public and say he had broken a Washington stalemate dating over half a century. He and the Democratic Party's leaders on Capitol Hill had demonstrated they could hammer out agreements on some of the nation's most complex and politically explosive issues.
And they did it without the filibuster-proof Senate majority they'd long counted on.
That left just one question: Was this the high-water mark for Obama? Was it a victory that left his army too exhausted to fight again? Or was it a triumph that opened the way to success on other fronts -- energy, climate change, immigration, tightening regulation of the financial system?
At least some Democratic strategists see a new opportunity, now that the congressional haggling is over.
"The American people got too close a look at how Congress actually legislates and that's an ugly thing," said Jim Jordan, a Democratic campaign strategist. "Once the legislative process is done, the debate turns to what's in the bill and what's in the bill is, by and large, extremely popular with the public."
Yet Obama suffered a 20 percentage point drop in the polls as the health care legislation played out against a background of massive unemployment, a collapsed housing market and the aftermath of a recession the likes of which many of today's voters had never seen.
Nor is the economy likely to be fully restored by the fall elections, making it the first priority of the White House and congressional Democrats in coming months.
Almost certainly, that means putting off energy, climate change, immigration and other issues for at least a little longer.
If passage of the health care overhaul won't necessarily reset the Obama presidency, the alternative was almost certain catastrophe -- a point the president made in his final rounds of coaxing Democratic lawmakers to support the bill.
Repeatedly during the weeks after Republican Scott Brown won the late Ted Kennedy's Massachusetts Senate seat and stripped the Democrats of their 60-vote super majority, Obama was urged to back off and try for a scaled-back version of health care.
But Obama, while toying with the idea at least once, decided not to pull back.
"This is high-stakes poker in which the White House has doubled down on its strategy after the Massachusetts election," Mark Penn, a strategist for Hillary Rodham Clinton's 2008 presidential campaign, said of the decision.
Had Obama gambled and lost, he would have suffered more than a humiliating defeat. He would have raised questions about both his judgment and executive skill. He had stocked the White House with former congressional aides just for this purpose -- to pass major legislation that had eluded past Democratic presidents.
In purely historical terms, he seems to stand vindicated.
"This has been 100 years in the making,'' said Harold Ickes, who was part of the unsuccessful effort to pass a health care overhaul under former President Bill Clinton. "History is replete with false starts on this. It's an enormous achievement to get it done."
But as Rep. Brad Sherman, D-Calif., said Sunday, the old obstacles to other legislative goals won't disappear now.
"Everything else is a very heavy lift," Sherman said.
Rep. Fred Upton of Michigan, a moderate Republican and senior member of the energy committee, said the deadlock over energy policy and related issues will persist.
"I think it will be very difficult even to do a budget," he said.
Republicans have a vested interest in portraying health care as a Pyrrhic victory. From the beginning, GOP strategists saw the health care debate as a chance to cripple Obama's presidency. Sen. Jim DeMint, R-S.C., cast the stakes in military terms, predicting that a defeat on health care would be Obama's Waterloo.
"He articulated what many others were thinking," said Rep. Adam Schiff, D-Calif. "They thought that if they could defeat the president on this they could defeat him on anything."
Republicans still believe that's true.
"Their choice was to pass bad legislation or prove they're incapable of governing," said David Winston, a Republican pollster who works closely with the party's congressional leadership.
Sunday night, Obama and congressional Democrats proved they could win a tough battle. Now, the challenge is to survive the victory.
Janet Hook and Mark A. Barabak contributed to this report.
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Crazy Canton Cuts = Roger Brown
[Sports] (all News Posts)Roger Brown 6'5" 300 Defensive Tackle 1960 - 1969 Ten Seasons 138 Games Played 3 Safeties 6 Pro Bowls Roger Lee Brown was drafted in the fourth round of the 1960 NFL draft by the Detroit Lions, the 42nd player chosen overall. The Lions had obtained that draft pick in 1958 when they dealt Hall of Fame quarterback Bobby Layne to the Pittsburgh Steelers. He attended college at the University of Maryland-Eastern Shore, then known as Maryland State College. Th ...
Roger Brown
6'5" 300
Defensive Tackle
1960 - 1969
Ten Seasons
138 Games Played
3 Safeties
6 Pro Bowls
Roger Lee Brown was drafted in the fourth round of the 1960 NFL draft by the Detroit Lions, the 42nd player chosen overall. The Lions had obtained that draft pick in 1958 when they dealt Hall of Fame quarterback Bobby Layne to the Pittsburgh Steelers.
He attended college at the University of Maryland-Eastern Shore, then known as Maryland State College. The school was so full of talent in an enrollment class of less than 300 students, that other teams in the CIAA (now known as the MEAC Conference) refused to play them in football and tried to get the school kicked out of the conference due to their dominance on the gridiron.
He played with such future pro players like Sherman Plunkett, Johnny Sample, Ray Hayes, and Bob Taylor while there.The team was coached by Vernon "Skip" McCain, who is a member of the College Football Hall of Fame.
The school stopped fielding a football team in 1979, despite placing 25 men in professional football. Five made the Pro Bowl and one, Art Shell, was inducted into the Pro Football Hall of Fame. In Super Bowl III, there were four alumni members from the school on the field.
Brown is the only player in school history who is a member of the College Football Hall of Fame, and he is also a member of the schools Hall of Fame and the Hampton Roads African American Sports Hall of Fame, the Virginia Sports Hall of Fame, the Maryland Sports Hall of Fame, and the Rockland County Sports Hall of Fame in New York
When he arrived in Detroit, he earned a starting job immediately on a defensive unit that featured Hall of Famers Dick "Night Train " Lane, Joe Schmidt, Yale Lary, and Dick Lebeau, as well as Pro Bowl players like Alex Karras, Bill Glass, Darris McCord, and Wayne Walker.
The unit of Brown, Karras, McCord, and Glass was so good, that sportswriter Bruno Kerns of the Pontiac Press dubbed them "The Fearsome Foursome". It was the first defensive line ever to be given a nickname, and the Los Angeles Rams would later adopt that moniker for their defensive line. They were backed by a secondary dubbed "The Four L's", which consisted of Lane, Lary, LeBeau, and Gary Lowe.
This defense was ranked in the top five in the NFL up until the 1965 season, even after the departures of Lane, Schmidt, Glass, and Lary. One of the biggest reasons this happened was the big Brown collapsing the middle of the pocket on every snap. But he was much more than a run stopping extraordinaire.
He intercepted a pass in both 1961 and 1963, gaining 30 yards overall. He was also a tremendous pass rusher who frequently posted double digit sack seasons. In the first of his six consecutive Pro Bowl seasons in 1962, he sacked Hall of Fame quarterbacks Bart Starr and Johnny Unitas for safeties. His two safeties in one season is still tied as a NFL record.
The game where he sacked Starr for a safety was ranked the second greatest game in Lions history by Detroit media. It happened on Thanksgiving Day, where he had six sacks by himself that game, as the team had 11 total in the 26-14 Lions win
The Lions used to play the Packers every year on Thanksgiving, but Hall of Fame coach Vince Lombardi refused to play again on that day. The NFL then began scheduling other teams to oppose the Lions for future Thanksgiving Day games. Perhaps the vision of Brown tossing around Fuzzy Thurston all game had Lombardi beg out of further repeats?
He was named the Outstanding Defensive Lineman in the league that 1962 season, where he had 19 sacks that was documented by a Lions coach who recorded sacks and tackles that year as a means as an incentive for the players. He was also named to the first of his two consecutive First Team All-Pro honors.
In 1965, Brown recorded the third safety of his career by sacking Starr once again in the end zone to secure a 12-7 victory late in the fourth quarter. He finished the year with 16.5 sacks. His three career safeties is tied with 17 other players as the second most ever in NFL history. His tackling the same player twice for a safety is a record.
In Brown's playing days, the NFL had two divisions called the West and East. It broke up into four divisions in 1967. "I always thought the Western Division was the toughest in football at the time," Brown remembers "We had the Colts, Packers, Bears, Vikings, Lions, Rams, and 49ers then. All really tough teams."
During this time, the Lions put together very good teams. The problem was that the Green Bay Packers was in their division and were a little better. Only the division winners would play the conference championship. The teams in second place in each division participated in the "Bert Bell Benefit Bowl" from 1960 -1969. Proceeds of the game the Bert Bell Retirement Plan, and it was used to determine who finished in third place. The Lions won the first three games also known as the "Playoff Bowl"
In 1967 he was traded to the Los Angeles Rams just before that start of the season for a first, second and third round draft pick. Those picks turned out to be Hall of Fame tight end Charlie Sanders, Earl McCulloch, the 1968 NFL Rookie of the Year, and Jim Yarbrough.
The Rams had just lost starter Rosey Grier to a career ending torn Achilles heel injury, and needed a replacement. Hall of Fame head coach George Allen then orchestrated the trade to get Brown to join the fabled "Fearsome Foursome" defensive line in Los Angeles.
The trade couldn't have worked better for the Rams. Brown was one of ten Rams to make the Pro Bowl that year, as they finished the season 11-1-2 to win the Coastal Division. The defense was ranked first in the NFL in points allowed for the first time in franchise history. They gave up just 14 points per game, were first in interceptions and average yards allowed per rushing attempt. Their Takeaway/Giveaway Differential of plus 16 also led the league.
Brown was teamed up with Merlin Olsen, Deacon Jones, and Lamar Lundy along the defensive line. All were Pro Bowl players in their careers with Olsen and Jones also later being inducted into Canton. The back seven was filled with perennial Pro Bowl players like Maxie Baughn, Jack Pardee, Myron Pottios, Irv Cross, and Eddie Meador.
Though the Rams had the top rated offense that year, their job seemed simple. According to Pro Bowl running back Les Josephson, "Our job was to stay on the field long enough to make sure our defense got rest so we could win."
On a stellar defense that Brown himself says "Was maybe the best team I played on in my career", the Rams dominated their opponents all year before losing in the playoffs to the Green Bay Packers. He was named to his sixth and final Pro Bowl that year.
Around this time, he was having major success as a restaurateur. He had opened a business in Chicago a few years before that was doing very well. He had gotten into cooking while in high school, and had a knack for it. These abilities helped him keep his weight up in becoming the first man who weighed over 300 lbs in NFL history.
After a good 1968 season that saw the Rams finish 10-3-1 and out of the playoffs, his 1969 season was hampered by a broken hand. First year pro Coy Bacon stepped in and performed with excellence. Seeing this, Brown decided to retire to concentrate on his restaurants.
"Coy was a tremendous player", recalls Brown, "I was making more money in my restaurants than I was as a player. I knew I could play another three or four years at a high level, but I decided to walk away while still in good health and concentrate on my off the field ventures. Writers then said I left because of injury, but that wasn't true. I never told Merlin or Deacon why I left then, but the truth is that it was a sound business move at the time".
His last game was in the "Playoff Bowl", which the Rams had also won in 1967. The Rams won 31-0 over the Dallas Cowboys. No other player played in, nor won, more "Playoff Bowls" than Brown did and he is the only player to play in the first and last game of this event.
Because of the era he played in, sacks and tackles were not recorded statistics. His teammates all figure that Brown easily averaged double digits in sacks most of his career. Though he was the biggest man in the NFL at the time, he was extremely nimble and lightening fast off the snap of the ball.
To understand his abilities, listen to the words of Ed Flanagan. Flanagan was a four time Pro Bowl center with the Detroit Lions and San Diego Chargers who played both with and against Brown. He is now a coach for the Fairbanks Grizzlies in the Indoor Football League, and is a member of the Lions 75 Year Anniversary Team.
"He was a bear", recalls Flanagan, " He made a lot of offenses, especially offensive linemen happy, when he retired. He was really smart, tough, and worked hard. He could read what you were going to do before you did it. He had everything. He had size, quickness, and speed, and he ran a 4.8 40-yard dash. He was the consummate All-Pro. I easily put him on the level of Hall of Famers Bob Lilly and Merlin Olsen. Roger should be in Canton himself."
"I remember joining the Lions as a rookie in 1965. He ran over me and through me all day in practice", he continued. "I called my dad and told him I didn't think I was going to make the team because Roger Brown was destroying me in practice every day. His head slap could knock a head off because he was so strong."
He also recalls the bond the Lions shared off the field. "Roger had a restaurant in Chicago that made excellent chicken. Quite a few of us would eat there frequently. I knew he could play several more years at Pro Bowl level when he retired, but can understand if the outside business ventures were more successful because we did not get paid much then. I was working in a brewery for Vic Wertz, who is remembered for being the All-Star first baseman who hit that baseball that Willie Mays made the famous over the shoulder catch on in the 1954 World Series."
At 6'5" 300 he was the model of what the NFL envisioned their future defensive linemen to be. Huge, strong, athletic, hard working, and smart. Of the defensive linemen already enshrined into Canton, he went to more Pro Bowls than Henry Jordan, Art Donovan, Dan Hampton, Fred Dean, Len Ford, Arnie Weinmeister, Willie Davis, and Bill Willis.
For such a big man with a target on his back bigger than most, he was remarkably durable. He did not miss a game in his career, and even played in all games in his last season even though he was injured.
His three recorded safeties was a team record at the time, that was equaled by Bruce Maher in 1967 and passed by Doug English in 1983 by one. Brown is a member of the starting unit on the Lions 75 Year Anniversary Team.
When you look at the current defensive tackles inducted into Canton, it is hard to say any are unworthy. It has been a neglected position by voters historically, with just 12 men enshrined as purely defensive tackles. It is time to right some wrongs by inducting Brown. Recent inductee John Randle got in due to his ability to get the quarterback, but he wasn't nearly the run stopping force Brown was, yet Brown as equally a gifted pass rusher. The fact the league did not record sacks in his era cannot back this claim, but it is said he had easily over 100 sacks in his career.
Some skeptics might point to the fact that neither the Lions nor Rams won a championship in his era, but that demonstrates a lack of real football knowledge. Many men reside in Canton today based purely on their teams success over their on individual abilities. Championships are won by a whole roster, not one individual. Canton is supposed to house the best individual players. If the Pro Football Hall of Fame were to stay on their inaugural mission and just do that, then Roger Brown would already be a member.
Notable 1960 Draftees * Denotes Hall of Fame Inductee
1. Billy Cannon, RB, Los Angeles Rams
3. Johnny Robinson, DB, Detroit
8. Jim Houston, LB, Cleveland
10. Ron Mix, OT, Baltimore Colts *
13. Harold Olson, OT, St. Louis Cardinals
17. Bob Jeter, DB, Green Bay
20. Maxie Baughan, LB, Philadelphia
23. Don Floyd, DE, Baltimore
24. Marvin Terrell, G, Baltimore
32. Don Meredith, QB, Chicago
35. Rod Breedlove, LB, San Francisco
37. Willie West, DB, Green Bay
40. Ted Dean, FB, Philadelphia
41. Johnny Brewer, TE, Cleveland
42. Roger Brown, DT, Detroit
44. Jim Marshall, DT, Cleveland
48. Vince Promuto, G, Washington
55. Abner Haynes, RB, Pittsburgh
56. Don Norton, WR, Philadelphia
59. Len Rohde, OT, San Francisco
63. Gail Cogdill, WR, Detroit
69. Bob Khayat, G, Cleveland
72. George Blair, DB,New York Giants
74. Larry Wilson, S, St. Louis *
75. Jim Norton, S, Detroit
86. Carroll Dale, WR, Los Angeles
88. Bill Mathis, FB, San Francisco
105. Chris Buford, WR, Cleveland
106. Don Perkins, FB, Baltimore
109. Charley Johnson, QB, St. Louis
110. Curtis McClinton, RB, Los Angeles
111. Grady Alderman, OT, Detroit
118. Mel Branch, DE, Detroit
119. Bobby Boyd, DB, Baltimore
157. Bob DeMarco, C, St. Louis
161. Jon Gilliam, C, Green Bay
162. Brady Keys, DB, Pittsburgh
178. Larry Grantham, LB, Baltimore
181. Jim Hunt, DT, St. Louis
203. Goose Gonsoulin, FS, San Francisco
229. Tom Day, DE, St. Louis




Roger is #78

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SCBWI Bologna 2010 Author-Editor Interview: Sara Grant of Working Partners
[Horror Novels] (CYNSATIONS)Interview by Laura Watkinson for SCBWI Bologna 2010 Hello, Sara. You wear a number of different hats. You’re both a commissioning editor and a published writer. Which came first, the writing or the publishing? How do you combine the two? I’ve created stories since I was a little girl, imagining epic dramas for my Barbie dolls. When I was young, I was convinced I couldn't be a writer because my spelling was appalling. (I must admit that the invention of spell check saved me.) I wrote my fi ...
Interview by Laura Watkinson for SCBWI Bologna 2010
Hello, Sara. You wear a number of different hats. You’re both a commissioning editor and a published writer. Which came first, the writing or the publishing? How do you combine the two?
I’ve created stories since I was a little girl, imagining epic dramas for my Barbie dolls. When I was young, I was convinced I couldn't be a writer because my spelling was appalling. (I must admit that the invention of spell check saved me.)
I wrote my first story for children when my niece was born; she’s graduating from high school this year, so it has taken me a long time and continual learning to get my first book deal.
I worked in public relations for seventeen years. During that time, I had limited success writing short stories for children. Then I moved to London, completed a degree in creative writing and changed my career. Now I feel very privileged to get to do what I love.
At Working Partners, I get to experiment with genres and develop stories for different age groups. I work on rainy-day adventures for five year olds, girly romantic comedies, and action-adventure stories for teen boys.
It's quite a buzz to develop a new idea with other people who love children’s books as much as I do. I work with an incredibly talented group of editors and accomplished writers. I am challenged and learn from them every day.
My time at Working Partners has made me a better writer and knowing what it's like to be on the other side of the slush pile makes me a better editor.
The more I surround myself with stories–whether it's reading, editing or writing–the more ideas bubble to the surface. By working collaboratively with my fellow writers/editors at Working Partners, I’ve learned that there are endless ways to tell a story. I write and re-write and change and revise storylines on a daily basis. This helps me to see the same fluidity in my own writing.
When my Little, Brown editor has concerns about a plot point, I don’t despair (okay, I despair a little). I brainstorm and come with other ideas to solve the problem. A good story evolves, and it's great when you feel the freedom of trial and error.
You have a master's degree in creative writing from Goldsmiths' College in London. Would you recommend the study route for aspiring writers? What do you think people should look for when they're choosing a creative-writing course?
My time at Goldsmiths was by far the best educational experience of my life. I had been attending writing workshops for years–some a few hours to a week long. I knew I had a lot to learn but was at the point where I didn't think I could improve on my own.
The two years I spent at Goldsmiths gave me loads of one-on-one tutorials as well as pushed me to read and learn from an impressive group of diverse writers. It was inspiring and helped me take my writing to the next level. They also showed me how to continually read, analyse and improve. I am still in contact with the tutors and writers I met on the course.
When looking for a creative-writing course, be clear about your objectives. I didn't want a course that only focused on writing for children. I wanted to get outside of my comfort zone.
Be open minded and willing to experiment. Talk to the students who have graduated from the course. It's like anything else; you get out of it what you put into it.
You’ve had stories published in children’s magazines. Could you tell us a little about this market?
There are several high-quality children's magazines in the States that publish fiction. It's a competitive market but a great opportunity to build your writing résumé.
For example, the Cricket Magazine Group has a series of "bug-named" publications for children from two years to teens--"Babybug," "Ladybug," "Spider," "Cricket" and "Cicada." Check out its web site, get its writers guidelines and read the publications. Many of these publications strive to be multicultural, so experiences from outside the U.S. could make you more marketable.
If you can, buy the Children's Writers and Illustrators Market, edited by Alice Pope (Writers Digest) from Amazon [or any U.S. bookstore] for a complete list and author guidelines. There are hundreds of publications for a variety of interests and genres.
Tell us a little about Dark Parties, your YA novel, which is coming out in 2011. What was your path to publication?
Dark Parties is a dystopian novel about a country that generations ago closed its borders to people and ideas. No one knows what exists outside their protected society. Neva and her best friend secretly plot to force the government to open its borders. Anyone who threatens the government seems to disappear mysteriously. Neva receives a message from her grandma who vanished without a trace 10 years ago, inviting her to escape to the outside. Now she has a choice–stay and save her country or leave and save herself.
I initially wrote Dark Parties as a short story for the British SCBWI Undiscovered Voices anthology in 2008. I was intrigued by the idea but didn't know if the story had legs. It's much different than anything I've tried to write before. I wasn't sure I could pull it off.
I asked my then 15-year-old niece and another editor at Working Partners to read the short story and tell me if I was crazy. Both gave me encouraging feedback and asked, "what happens next?"
All of a sudden I had loads of ideas for the story. I thought, if it gets chosen for the anthology then I'll write the novel. I was lucky enough to be one of the twelve chosen for the anthology, and then the work really began.
I received interest from a few editors and agents who read the anthology. The British SCBWI regional advisor gave Jenny Savill at Andrew Nurnberg and Associates a copy of the anthology at Bologna in 2008. Jenny has been an incredible partner in this long and sometimes frustrating process. She’s offered insightful editorial feedback as well as reasoned business advice.
Before I received the offer from Little, Brown, I had the chance to chat with the Little, Brown editor who was taking my book to acquisitions. She had some excellent feedback. I knew then that she really understood what I was trying to do and would unquestionably make Dark Parties a better book. And I have not been disappointed.
I revised nearly 50 percent of the book after it was acquired. It’s been a great give-and-take with my editors at Little, Brown. I feel so honoured to have such experienced and talented editors giving my book so much care and attention.
The most important insight I can share with other writers is: Your first draft is only the beginning. No one seems to talk about how many revisions it takes to get a publishable novel. So I’m more than happy to be honest about my bumpy path to publication. Yes, there are those who write one draft and go straight to typesetting, but those people are few and far between.
In 1996, Hillary Clinton wrote a book declaring it takes a village to raise a child. I feel the same about books. It takes a community to bring a book to publication. Pick your partners in this process carefully.
Has your experience in publishing taught you any useful tricks for making it past the slush pile as a writer? Do you have any tips you could share with us?
Most of my advice comes more from being an unpublished writer than an editor:
• Network. Editors who work in children's fiction are by and large a pretty lovely group. Get critiques from editors when you can.
• Go to writers' events. SCBWI is a great source for these.
• Form a writers group. Get feedback on your writing from more than your family and friends.
• Never, ever stop learning and improving.
• Be willing to set a story aside and try something new. Then don't be afraid to revise, revise and revise. Most writers don't get the first book they write published.
• Read. Read. Read. Know and support the children’s market. Buy children’s books for yourself and every young reader you know. Writers who write for children should be reading every book in their genre they can get their hands on.
• And most importantly, if it’s your passion–never, ever give up! It took me 17 years to get my first book deal. Here's wishing you a shorter learning curve!
Could you tell us more about Working Partners and how you go about creating new series fiction? What do you look for in new writers who approach Working Partners? Are you looking for writers at the moment?
An idea will come from one of our editors or from a publisher. A team of editors hold a one-hour brainstorming to see if the idea has legs. If the brainstorming goes well, then a team of two editors will somehow take the wild and wacky ideas we come up with and shape it into a storyline.
A storyline goes through a number of revisions until the team is satisfied that the story and characters are there.
Then we look for writers. We will invite up to ten writers to try out for the project. We provide each writer with a proposal document, which includes a short pitch, a cast list, a complete storyline for the first book and often ideas for future books. We also give them an idea of what we are looking for with regard to tone, point of view, etc. We will typically ask writers to write three chapters.
It's always exciting to see how different writers bring the storyline to life. We look for a strong, appropriate voice for the series and originality. We like when writers invest in the story and add appropriate character and setting details while sticking to our storyline.
Sometimes you receive a sample and it's magic. The voice is perfect, the characters sparkle and you can't wait to turn the page–even though you know what happens next. Sometimes it's tough to select the writer because we have a number of great samples.
We like to have four or more editors read each of the samples. We often have a meeting to discuss the merits of each sample. It's amazing how passionate we can get about the samples we love.
Sometimes we ask one or two writers to revise their sample based on some editorial notes. We need this extra round to make our decision and to see if the writer can take direction. We look for writers who want to work as part of a team.
Our managing director will share the writing sample and a proposal with publishers in the U.S., U.K. and sometimes other markets. Once a publisher has bought the series, we contract the writer and begin to write and edit the books. Sometimes we will need more than one writer on a series. It's the editor's job to maintain consistency among writers.
What are Working Partners' most popular books right now? What do you think it is about your titles that appeals to young readers?
In the U.S., we have had great success with our Warriors series.
In the U.K., Beast Quest is quite popular with boys seven plus. Other series include: Dinosaur Cove, Faerie Path, Unicorn School, Animal Ark, Chestnut Hill, Spelling B, My Sister The Vampire, Spartan Warrior, and Vampire Beach.
Working Partners taps into the power of collaboration–not only internally but collaboration with our writers and publishers. We work with so many incredible editors at publishers around the world. We benefit from learning from all these groups.
We don't have a cookie-cutter approach. We love stories and try to create the best series for appropriate target markets.
Could you tell us about some new Working Partners projects that are particularly exciting for you?
I have two series that will be published later this year. They are a great example of the diversity in my job:
One is a charming series from Ladybird titled Puddle the Naughtiest Puppy. It's a series of rainy-day adventures for five-to-eight year olds. The editorial team and our two talented writers have thoroughly enjoyed taking Ruby and Harry on magical adventures–from a race on a magic carpet to peril on a pirate ship sailing the high seas.
In June, Egmont will publish Striker, a new action-adventure series for teen boys. My fellow editor and I have had and absolute blast marrying the wonderful world of British football with international intrigue. Jake learns in the first book that his dad, a retired English football legend, is also a spy for MI6. Jake has natural instincts for both the football and spy game.
What are the big developments in children’s/YA fiction at the moment? Do you see any new trends developing?
It's exciting to see bookstores creating separate sections for young adult fiction. It's also really rewarding to see so many adults reading young adult fiction and sharing this experience with their children. (Or, if you're childless like me, reading it for the pure joy of it!)
Paranormal romance has been huge recently. I keep thinking that surely the tide will turn, but it seems to have staying power. Like everything else, fiction has a cycle. What goes around comes around.
I think it may have something do with the age of the writers and editors tapping into the books they loved as a children. I don't have a crystal ball for trends. I also don't think writers should try to follow trends. Publishers are looking for originality and voice. You need a unique hook. Writers should try to pave their own way.
Do you think the eBook format or other new electronic formats will have much effect on the children’s/YA market?
I think they will, but we don't fully understand what this will mean to young readers, but look how the iPod has revolutionized the way we purchase and listen to music. I don't think anyone has figured the eBook out yet. But I think young readers will most likely be some of the first adapters to this new technology.
Remember the "choose your own adventure" books. Imagine how exciting that would be to have endless plot options for the book you're reading.
I also think we might see the providers of content multiply. Distribution will change. I must admit that I'm old fashioned. I love the printed book.
Are you working on any exciting writing projects of your own at the moment? Will there be a sequel to Dark Parties?
I have ideas for a sequel to Dark Parties, but right now I'm working on another dystopian novel. It's at that really wonderful "first love" phase of the creation process. I’m getting to know the characters and creating the setting. It’s all new and promising. The story is continuing to evolve.
I wake up in the middle of the night with ideas and everything seems to swirl around the new book. I'm trying to write two connected stories in different time periods with intertwined plot lines. There are lots of new challenges ahead.
Do you remember your own first visit to the book fair in Bologna? Do you have any tips for first-time visitors to the book fair who are hoping to be published?
This is my first visit to the book fair! I’m really looking forward to it. I’ve heard it's really overwhelming but exciting to see the world of children's books.
Cynsational Notes
Sara Grant is a commissioning editor for Working Partners, a London-based company creating series fiction for children. Her publication credits include stories in "Spider" and "Pockets" children's magazines, Goldfish anthology, and Undiscovered Voices, an anthology highlighting U.K. children's writers. She also wrote on assignment for "U.S. Kids" and "Indianapolis Monthly" magazines and Children's Writers and Illustrators Market. She earned a master's degree in creative and life writing at Goldsmiths College in 2007. Her young-adult, futuristic novel, titled Dark Parties, was recently acquired by Little, Brown and will be published in 2011.
Laura Watkinson is a translator, from Dutch and Italian into (British) English, and an occasional writer. She translates children's books for all ages, from picture books to YA/cross-over novels, and has recently completed projects for Piccadilly in the U.K. and Arthur A. Levine in the States. She's a champion of books in translation and loves making different cultures accessible to younger readers.
The SCBWI Bologna 2010 interview series is brought to you by the SCBWI Bologna Biennial Conference in conjunction with Cynsations. To register, visit the SCBWI Bologna Biennial Conference 2010. Note: Special thanks to Angela Cerrito for coordinating this series with SCBWI Bologna and Cynsations.
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Israel: Settlement Construction Will Continue In East Jerusalem, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu Says
[Huffington Post] (The Full Feed from HuffingtonPost.com)JERUSALEM — Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu declared Sunday that Israel would not restrict construction in east Jerusalem, a step the U.S. has requested – sticking to a tough position hours before he sets off on his first trip to Washington since a diplomatic row erupted between the two allies. Netanyahu also said he was willing to broaden indirect talks with the Palestinians to include the main issues dividing them. The prime minister originally had wanted to put off a discussion ...
JERUSALEM — Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu declared Sunday that Israel would not restrict construction in east Jerusalem, a step the U.S. has requested – sticking to a tough position hours before he sets off on his first trip to Washington since a diplomatic row erupted between the two allies.
Netanyahu also said he was willing to broaden indirect talks with the Palestinians to include the main issues dividing them. The prime minister originally had wanted to put off a discussion of issues like the status of contested east Jerusalem, final borders and the fate of Palestinian refugees until direct talks are launched.
Netanyahu's refusal to budge on east Jerusalem – whose fate lies at the crux of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict – defies a U.S. demand to cancel a major new housing project at the heart of the feud. But in confidential talks, he apparently offered enough steps to prompt U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton to call them "useful and productive" and dispatch an envoy back to the region this week.
Before meeting with Israel's defense minister on Sunday, envoy George Mitchell described ties between the U.S. and Israel as "unshakable."
U.N. chief Ban Ki-moon, who was touring the Gaza Strip on Sunday, told reporters that Netanyahu would be meeting with President Barack Obama while in the U.S. this week. The prime minister's office had no immediate confirmation; Netanyahu takes off for Washington later Sunday to address the annual conference of the pro-Israel lobby in the U.S.
Ban wants a nearly three-year blockade of Gaza lifted and said Israel's recent opening of Gaza's borders to allow in window frames and other supplies to complete a 151-apartment U.N. housing project in southern Gaza was "a drop in a bucket of water."
The blockade causes "unacceptable suffering" and "undercuts moderates and encourages extremists," he said after visiting the project in the Khan Younis refugee camp. "My message to the people of Gaza is this: The United Nations will stand with you, through this ordeal."
Most of the 15,000 homes destroyed or damaged during Israel's war in Gaza, which ended in January last year, have not been repaired because of the blockade. Israel launched the war after years of militant rocket fire from Gaza on its southern communities.
The blockade was imposed in 2007 after Hamas violently took over the territory from its rivals in the Fatah movement of Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas.
The Israeli military, meanwhile, said troops in the West Bank shot dead two Palestinians carrying pitchforks and an ax who tried to stab a soldier. A third Palestinian died of a gunshot wound to the head inflicted by a soldier at a demonstration the day before.
Israeli construction in east Jerusalem is such a fraught issue because it challenges Palestinian claims to that sector of the city as a future capital. The announcement of a major new building project during Vice President Joe Biden's visit earlier this month insulted Washington and provoked the biggest rift between the two allies in decades.
That rift has put Netanyahu in a particularly difficult bind, forcing him to find a formula that would repair ties with the U.S. without antagonizing his hawkish coalition partners, who vehemently oppose sharing sovereignty in Jerusalem.
Netanyahu's office denied reports that he promised to slow construction in the city's eastern sector.
"Our policy on Jerusalem is the same as that of all previous Israeli governments in the past 42 years and it hasn't changed," he told his Cabinet at the start of its weekly meeting. "As far as we are concerned, building in Jerusalem is like building in Tel Aviv. We made this clear to the U.S. administration."
But Cabinet ministers said in practice, construction will be restricted – as it has been in the West Bank since November, when Netanyahu officially agreed to do so under heavy U.S. pressure.
Israel annexed east Jerusalem after capturing it in the 1967 Mideast war. The international community does not recognize the annexation and considers the Jewish construction in east Jerusalem to be settlement building.
Netanyahu also told his Cabinet that the U.S.-brokered talks with the Palestinians would include a discussion of the main issues between them, but added that a "real resolution" of the conflicts could only be achieved in direct talks.
These issues include the status of Jerusalem, final borders and the fate of Palestinian refugees from the war around Israel's 1948 creation.
The row over east Jerusalem construction held up the start of the indirect talks, which are to be brokered by Washington's special Mideast envoy, George Mitchell.
Mitchell is to meet with Netanyahu before the prime minister sets off for Washington and on Monday with Abbas.
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Associated Press Writer Karin Laub contributed to this report from Gaza City, Gaza Strip.
More on Israel -
Now President Obama must show he has the courage to take Israel on | Chris McGreal
[Politics, Guardian] (Politics news, UK and world political comment and analysis | guardian.co.uk)The US finally seems to be losing patience now that Netanyahu's behaviour is endangering its troopsTalk about Israel to all but its most severe critics in America and whatever they say it's likely to be underpinned by an assumption that the US is the Jewish state's best friend. Doubts may emerge about Gaza and settlements but any criticism is invariably wrapped in the assumption that the US has Israel's interests, particularly its security, at heart. It's not surprising given that American polit ...
The US finally seems to be losing patience now that Netanyahu's behaviour is endangering its troops
Talk about Israel to all but its most severe critics in America and whatever they say it's likely to be underpinned by an assumption that the US is the Jewish state's best friend. Doubts may emerge about Gaza and settlements but any criticism is invariably wrapped in the assumption that the US has Israel's interests, particularly its security, at heart. It's not surprising given that American politicians pledge their loyalty to the Jewish state over and over, and mean it.
They see things differently in Jerusalem. In a country permeated by fear and insecurity, Israelis define the rest of the world not by loyalties but by varying degrees of distrust. You can hear it among residents of Jewish settlements deep in the occupied territories and in the cafes of liberal Tel Aviv: angst over the perception of a new wave of antisemitism gripping Europe, the incomprehension over foreign condemnation of Israel's crimes in Gaza, the common agreement that the United Nations is a conspiracy against the Jewish state.
In all of this, the US emerges as the least distrusted country by far (Britain commands a much lower level of confidence). Israelis recognise that they have long counted on Washington to pay a good chunk of their military budget and provide diplomatic cover for the illegalities of occupation.But that is a far cry from trust, and what there was has been severely eroded since Barack Obama came to power as America catches up with the idea that Israeli government policies do not automatically equate with what is in Israel's interests or the promotion of peace.
That distinction has finally burst forth with the crisis over settlement building in East Jerusalem, exposing how far American political thinking has already shifted and the depth of Israel's prime minister Binyamin Netanyahu's failure to understand it. To the alarm of some Israeli leaders, what they regarded as a minor diplomatic blunder in announcing yet more ethnically exclusive housing in East Jerusalem has resulted not only in unusually forceful criticism from Washington, but the disturbing and unprecedented assertion by the White House that Israeli policies are jeopardising American interests and even endangering the lives of US soldier fighting in the Middle East. In days, the Israeli government has seen itself repositioned from valuable US ally in the war on terror to where it really belongs – as the primary obstacle to peace.
It was always striking to watch the smugness with which Israeli politicians sold Americans the idea that the only issue in considering the conflict with the Palestinians was what Ariel Sharon called, with deeply rolling Rs, the "tehrroar". The ever-expanding Jewish settlements, the annexing of land, expulsion of Palestinians, the killings of Arab children, the crimes of occupation, were discarded as an irrelevance. No one in George Bush's White House cared to challenge Sharon on that.
In Israel, ordinary people almost seemed programmed to repeat the wearying mantra that all the Jewish state ever wanted was peace but that all it ever got in return was blood and killing. That was a comfortable position for Israelis who, all too understandably at the height of the suicide bombings, found it difficult to reflect on why Palestinians might be blowing themselves up. But the myth of the relentless search for peace was important to the efforts of Sharon and Netanyahu to ensure that Americans did not call them on policies that deliberately or not – mostly deliberately – sabotaged its ever-diminishing prospects. Nowhere was this more clear than over the ever growing settlements.
Israel's apologists would have the world believe that the construction of homes solely for Jews in the occupied territories had no impact on the peace process and that the issue would be resolved in final status talks. But settlement construction is a litmus test of Israeli government intent because it is constantly changing the picture on the ground. The number of Jewish settlers in the West Bank has more doubled since the Oslo peace accords were signed in 1993. How is it possible to see that as anything but an attempt to preempt an agreement on Palestine's borders?
Watching Israel's barrier carve its way through Arab neighbourhoods of Jerusalem and the West Bank, its real intent was all too evident. The clues lay in the twists and turns that separated Palestinian villages from land then delivered up to Jewish settlers. As the barrier went up, there was barely a peep of protest from Washington.
But the ground has also shifted in America. The unconditional support for the Jewish state has been eroding in critical areas. Nowhere is that clearer than among American Jews, many of whom stayed quiet for so long out of loyalty to the country of Israel and Zionism, even as they grew increasingly disturbed at what was being done in their name by the militarists in Jerusalem.
In Washington, a group of Jews broke the taboo against criticising Israeli policy and launched J Street, an organisation that believes Israel's security lies in a just peace with the Palestinians. Founded by Jeremy Ben-Ami, a former domestic policy adviser to Bill Clinton with Israeli parents, it drew the backing of an array of community leaders, activists and academics. It reflects the doubts held by a significant proportion of American Jews about Jerusalem's militarist policies and, in particular, the deep-rooted obsession with settlements. Those doubts were heard and shared in the White House. The government in Jerusalem has been slow to grasp the significance of J Street because for so long many American Jews declined to voice their doubts out of loyalty. Buoyed by the certainty that it was irrelevant, Netanyahu dismissed the group as anti-Israeli and his foreign ministry snubbed a delegation of visiting members of the US congress sponsored by the Jewish organisation.
It was a mistake because it only confirmed in the minds of some in Congress and the administration that Israel will only move when pushed.
Recent events have confirmed that view as Netanyahu finally begins to understand the consequences of his mistake and climbs down, agreeing to a series of American demands aimed at kick-starting negotiations and putting the latest settlement plans on hold. It's a start, but Netanyahu is not a courageous leader nor an honest one. He pays lip service to a peace agreement but, like Sharon, spent the 1990s sabotaging attempts to reach agreements with the Palestinians and denouncing Israeli leaders who sought peace as traitors or worse. Netanyahu has still to commit himself to a genuinely independent Palestinian state. He will not do the right thing for the right reason.
Some in the US administration are straining at the leash to finally take him on and show him the way after continual humiliation of the US president. The question is whether Obama himself is now finally up for the fight.
Chris McGreal was the Guardian's Middle East correspondent for much of the last decade. He is now based in Washington.
guardian.co.uk © Guardian News & Media Limited 2010 | Use of this content is subject to our Terms & Conditions | More Feeds -
Politics and Peak Energy
[Green, Oil ] (The Oil Drum - Discussions about Energy and Our Future)Below the fold is a guest post by John Howe, an engineer who invented the solar tractor. In this post, John says, "Our only hope for a drastic course correction is to support grass-roots movements to elect leaders who clearly understand energy and the growing tension between an economic system based on continued growth (especially population) and declining energy." The questions for tonight's Campfire discussion are 1. Is working through the current political system feasible? 2. What are the mo ...
Below the fold is a guest post by John Howe, an engineer who invented the solar tractor. In this post, John says, "Our only hope for a drastic course correction is to support grass-roots movements to elect leaders who clearly understand energy and the growing tension between an economic system based on continued growth (especially population) and declining energy."
The questions for tonight's Campfire discussion are
1. Is working through the current political system feasible?
2. What are the most important energy-related issues for politicians to address:
(a) Population growth
(b) New economic system not depending on growth
(c)) Debt jubilee or other approach for handling excessive level of debt worldwide
(d) Greater energy efficiency (for example--CAFE standards, more trains, lower energy appliances, better insulation, etc.)
(e) Increase alternative energy resources
(f) Develop new systems of food production and manufacturing that do not require fossil fuels and use only local resources (perhaps similar to approaches used several hundred years ago)
(g) Increase equity in sharing what energy resources are available
(h) Other3. What kind of candidate would it take to get elected and pass such an agenda?
4. Does it make sense to support candidates who advocate one (or two) agenda item(s) which might be reasonable if part of a broader program, but don't really understand the issues of declining energy, increasing population, and the connection to the financial system?
Politics and Peak Energy
by John Howe
Economic success, growth, and an affluent (happy) consumer lifestyle directly depend on an abundance of inexpensive energy. Conversely, the quantity and type of energy consumed can have a very adverse effect on the surrounding environment and world ecological balance. It then follows that politics, the subject of governing civilized societies, is also directly dependent on the common denominator of energy, just at a time that we are facing the imminent and terminal decline of our prime energy source, oil, and ultimately all finite fossil fuels.
Yet, the advocates of different positions, for instance, climate change (man made or not), or economic development and stimulus proposals based on continued growth, do not factor in the difficult, if not impossible, transition and immense challenges facing us as we enter the second half and decline of the short, two-hundred year fossil energy age. Without energy to make things happen, nothing grows, moves to a new place, or expands. Bodies wither and die, civilizations contract and collapse.
Yet there are leaders and experts who would lead us to believe otherwise or that “finite” does not mean what it says. Oil supplies about 40% of our total energy and fuels 90% of our transportation. In addition, we’ve come to depend on thousands of petroleum-based products from lubricants to plastics. There may be "plenty left", but it’s getting harder to find and steadily more expensive in terms of input energy and wealth required for extraction from remaining unconventional sources.
At our present rate of world liquid fuel consumption (one billion barrels every twelve days) if we suddenly found another 500 billion barrels of oil (about one-half of world total used so far in the short age of oil) it would only extend our present level of consumption another 17 years before permanent decline. What then? These numbers put any talk of new "giant" 20 billion-barrel fields near Haiti, Cuba, Brazil, and Montana into humble perspective. They would add only another one-third of a year to the world’s total production, not considering the energy, wealth, and time required to get them started.
Regardless of their form of government, the great civilizations of the past like Mesopotamia, Mycenaean Greece, the Roman Empire, and the Chacoan Society in our own desert southwest ultimately rose and fell because of the shifting balance between population, climate, and, most directly, the ability to access sufficient energy in the form of food and fuel. Even slaves, who were the preferred source of work for the privileged before the industrial age, require food-energy input. The need for energy is common for every successful species. Humans are no exception. Yet we have lost sight of the easy life we’ve had since we learned how to enslave millions of years of concentrated ancient sunlight-energy in the form of conveniently-stored, finite, fossil fuels.
In America we are governed by the framework of a democratic republic. We elect our lawmakers and leaders into a system of laws, checks, and balances. We strive for a federalist concept of shared state’s rights and centralized government. This worked admirably well for the last two hundred years as our population was sparse and expanded into a land of seemingly unlimited natural resources. Over the last one hundred years, a second resource bonanza, this time of pre-stored, essentially free energy, gave us no limits to unfettered growth, high-technology lifestyle, surplus food, freedom from drudgery, and magical travel. Capital investment, based on the promise of never-ending growth and return of investment with additional profit, gave us the financial system to “capitalize” on fossil fuels and made (most) everyone happy. A common citizen could live as a king in pre-industrial times.
Just after the dawn of the twenty-first century, the rapidly-expanding fossil energy foundation for this unprecedented prosperity began to level off onto a bumpy plateau. By mid-2005, conventional crude oil, by far the best fuel for modern transportation and easy agriculture, quantitatively peaked in world production at just over 75 million barrels per day. This is an unarguable, historical fact per the U.S. Department of Energy (DOE) regardless of political or media obfuscation.
At the same time, the inexorable demand for continued growth, including a growing population, drove the price of oil out-of-reach for an expanding bottom tier of consumers. In the U.S., the increasing cost of energy triggered a monumental recession beginning in the housing and financial systems because both are directly dependent on extrapolated perpetual growth. Americans are presently spending about one billion dollars per day just for gasoline. This does not include fuel oil, diesel, and jet fuel. This constitutes an ever-increasing share of the family budget and leaves less for mortgages or discretionary spending.
Concurrently, an increasing awareness of ecological devastation and climate change began the green movement. It is my opinion that modern industrial civilization will not quickly grind to a halt because of the dirty by-products of the fossil energy age. The far more urgent problem is the imminent decline of the fossil fuels themselves with absolutely no prospect of “green”, clean replacements that are even remotely close, on a quantitative basis, to the energy of fossil fuels. We will soon be forced to drastically curtail our fossil fuel consumption not because of longer-term environmental destruction and global climate change but as a result of depletion and higher costs for extraction.
With that background, we can better understand much of the divisiveness that has totally invaded our two-party political system. Liberty and the pursuit of happiness are fundamental tenants of our original constitution. More recently, when he was president, FDR’s second bill of rights taught four freedoms, from want and fear as well as speech and religion. Now we have a basic conflict which is beginning to come into sharper focus as the age of cheap ubiquitous energy can no longer insure the freedom from want for everyone. How can declining energy supplies provide food and fuel for an ever-increasing population? This dilemma is already apparent in the third world and is steadily creeping into our wealthy industrialized society.
Should individuals have the "liberty" to disproportionally acquire food, fuel, and non-energy assets even if it increases "fear and want" for others? This question will have to be addressed soon. It is becoming physically and mathematically impossible even in the U.S. to feed, keep warm, and transport the present population with total energy supplies at the peak and nearing the point of permanent decline. This concept is difficult to accept, but it is very real for the 80% of the population, who have only 20% of the remaining wealth. Without cheap energy we can no longer all be hyper-consuming Americans. Those who still have the financial means can out-bid those who do not. The wealthy naturally resist policies intended to redistribute this wealth. At the same time the total number of consumers continues to increase, which brings the dilemma into sharper focus.
Presently, the growing, underlying conflict between the freedom of liberty and the freedom from want has covertly infiltrated our politics and underlies the increasing rancor between the right and left. True long-term growth, jobs, prosperity, leisure pursuits, and all things dependent on plentiful energy can no longer continue for everyone. There may be temporary relief because of improved energy-use efficiency, new extraction technology, or the fallacy of borrowing wealth from the future. But true economic growth, other than inflation, can not be sustained without the underlying foundation of plentiful, inexpensive fossil fuels, which in the past got us to our present utopia.
The conservative right espouses growth through decreased taxation on business and investment. The liberal left strives to redistribute waning wealth from a declining few to the steadily-increasing masses who are closer to missing the basic necessities. Both sides advocate increased exploration, efficiency of use, and technical progress. Neither side will admit to the geo-physical limitations of the short fossil energy age. The result is a clash between a system dependent on continued growth conflicting with a growing consumer base, social services, and entitlements. Neither side can provide the "freedom from want" to the majority.
Our democratic system swings back and forth in each voting cycle from the incumbent party, which has not provided miracles, to the opposition which promises better. Two-term presidents like Reagan, Clinton, and George W. Bush were lucky to take charge when oil was plentiful and cheap compared with Carter who was unpopular after one term as he dealt with peaking U.S. oil and world oil price turmoil. Obama seems to be suffering the same growing discontent as Carter since he inherited the time zone in history for maximum world oil production regardless if the oil comes from friendly or unfriendly sources.
This brings us to the question of which party or basic system of government can best handle the realities of a contracting energy age. Is a democracy of the people, for the people, and by the people still viable or will anarchy rule? In a free election will an individual vote for personal gain and even survival, or will he/she opt for the common good of the populace? On a microbasis will a caring human (or any species for that matter) go hungry and starve if necessary to feed as many as possible of his neighbors, if only for just a few more days after which they might all starve together? This is the dilemma we will face. Inadequate awareness and massive action ASAP will diminish our chances of avoiding the same fate of previous crashed civilizations which did not respect the critical role of finite energy resources.
Our only hope for a drastic course correction is to support grass-roots movements to elect leaders who clearly understand energy and the growing tension between an economic system based on continued growth (especially population) and declining energy. There still may be hope for the perpetuation of a modern lifestyle, but only if we admit to the seriousness of our terminal illness and not be lulled by bogus panaceas. We are clearly at a tipping point. In the last eighty years (one lifetime) we have consumed approximately one-half of the world’s original oil, the easy-to-mine high energy coal, the natural gas, as well as high-concentration fissionable uranium.
Together, these finite sources provide over 90% of today’s world energy with the U.S. (with 5% of the world’s population) consuming about 25% of it. The next human lifetime, starting now, will not be nearly as easy. We’re running out of gas!
Note: John Howe says, "I approach this subject as an objective engineer. I am not aligned to any political party or intend to promote a particular political agenda."
Selected References:
Bligh, J. (2004). The Fatal Inheritance. London: Athena Press.
Catton,W. (1982). Overshoot. University of Illinois Press.
Deffeyes, K. (2001). Hubbert’s Peak. Princeton University Press.
Heinberg, R. (2007). Peak Everything. New Society Publishers.
Heinberg, R.(2009). Searching For a Miracle. Post Carbon Institute www.postcarbon.org
Howe, J. (2006, third ed.). The End of Fossil Energy. McIntire Publishing.
Murphy, P. (2008). Plan C. New Society Publishers.
Ponting,C. (1991). A Green History of the World. Penguin Books
Tainter, J. (2009, 19'th printing). The collapse of Complex Societies. Cambridge University Press. -
Rove has harsh words for Obama's handling of health care
[Chicago, IL, Chicago, Chicago Tribune, Starter Kit] (Chicago Breaking News)Karl Rove, the architect behind President George W. Bush's presidency, contended tonight that President Barack Obama ceded his authority for developing a health care reform plan to Democratic congressional leaders and ended up with a package in which the White House couldn't be satisfied. "They outsourced this," Rove said of the Obama White House. "They said to the Congress, 'Nancy, Harry, we want a bill, any bill," he said, referring to House Speaker Nancy Pelosi of California and Senate Demo ...
Karl Rove, the architect behind President George W. Bush's presidency, contended tonight that President Barack Obama ceded his authority for developing a health care reform plan to Democratic congressional leaders and ended up with a package in which the White House couldn't be satisfied.
"They outsourced this," Rove said of the Obama White House. "They said to the Congress, 'Nancy, Harry, we want a bill, any bill," he said, referring to House Speaker Nancy Pelosi of California and Senate Democratic leader Harry Reid of Nevada.
"It's just sort of like (they were) disengaged. There was a campaign over there and then they were going to outsource this to (Congress) and say, 'You go write it.' I can't imagine that the White House was happy with all the bribes contained in the Senate bill," Rove said of special provisions inserted for senators to win their votes. "He (Obama) doesn't have the umph to say, 'All of that stuff, out (of) there.'"
Rove spoke to the Tribune prior to serving as keynote speaker of the DuPage County Republicans' annual dinner at the Marriott Oak Brook hotel. He contended Democrats will pay a heavy price in the November congressional midterm elections and in 2012 Republicans will be able to win a Senate majority due to the health care issue.
Bracing for a Sunday House vote on health care, the White House issued a statement tonight saying the legislation "provides the necessary health reforms that the administration seeks--affordable, quality care within reach for the tens of millions of Americans who do not have it today."
Rove maintained Obama as a presidential contender campaigned against two key provisions of the Democratic proposal--vilifying primary challenger Hillary Clinton for wanting to mandate people obtain health care coverage and attacking Republican presidential nominee Sen. John McCain of Arizona for proposing to tax high value health insurance plans.
"This is one they're not going to be able to come back," Rove said. "You have 83 Democrats whose districts that were carried by Bush or McCain and 48 Democrats whose districts were carried by Republicans in the last three presidential elections. Those guys are dead. I just think a lot of (Democrats) who vote for it are going to find themselves with very angry people in their districts who will not forget."
Bracing for an expected House vote Sunday in Washington, the White House has maintained that
Rove, who served as chief strategist for Bush's two presidential victories, said he did not expect the Tea Party movement of disgruntled voters to result in a third party that could weaken Republican prospects.
"Most of these people want to see things changed in Washington and understand a third party would divide the conservative vote," he said. "But more important than that is I sense most of them don't want to become an adjunct of either party and want to become sort of like the civil rights or pro-life or second-amendment rights movements and that is to say to hold the feet of both parties...to the fire over these issues of spending and deficits and debt and government power."
Rove, who is now a commentator on FOX News and in the Wall Street Journal, made the trip as part of a tour promoting his new book about the Bush years, "Courage and Consequence: My Life as a Conservative in the Fight." Bush, he said, "read it as I wrote it" and "Laura was a particularly perceptive editor."
--Rick Pearson
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Media: Education Writing Finalists Announced
[Education] (This Week In Education)Here are some of the finalists for the annual Education Writers Association awards announced last week. Several are stories and bylines you've seen here during the past year: (Libby Quaid, Associated Press, Michael Alison Chandler Washington Post Poor Neighborhoods, Untested Teachers", David McKay Wilson Harvard Education Letter "The Invisible Hand in Education Policy", Mary Wiltenburg Christian Science Monitor "Little Bill Clinton: A School Year in the Life of a New American”, John Merrow Lea ...
Here are some of the finalists for the annual Education Writers Association awards announced last week. Several are stories and bylines you've seen here during the past year: (Libby Quaid, Associated Press, Michael Alison Chandler Washington Post Poor Neighborhoods, Untested Teachers", David McKay Wilson Harvard Education Letter "The Invisible Hand in Education Policy", Mary Wiltenburg Christian Science Monitor "Little Bill Clinton: A School Year in the Life of a New American”, John Merrow Learning Matters Leadership: A Challenging Course. There are also a bunch of interesting looking finalist submissions that I don't recall posting here: Helen Zelon and Karen Loew City Limits The Education Business: Teachers Missing at the Top, Sarah Carr Times-Picayune “The Challenge of Choice”, Peter Eisler Anthony DeBarros and Elizabeth Weise "Trouble on the Tray", Drew Lindsay The Washingtonian "Success Factory", Tom Detzel and Paddy Hirsch, Marketplace and ProPublica- “Allegations of Enrollment Abuses at University of Phoenix”. Check them out. Congrats to all. -
Why Obama's reset with Russia has gone so wrong
[News] (True/Slant Network Activity)[1]Image via Wikipedia Below are unpublished quotes from a senior Obama Administration official and a couple of Russian officials on why things are going wrong in their reset policy. I conducted these interviews for my TIME story [2] on this issue ahead of Clinton's visit to Moscow yesterday and today. As always, only sound bites got into the story, and many brilliant quotes got cut. So I thought this would provide a fuller picture. What's really striking in these interviews is how the aims co ...
[1]Image via Wikipedia Below are unpublished quotes from a senior Obama Administration official and a couple of Russian officials on why things are going wrong in their reset policy. I conducted these interviews for my TIME story [2] on this issue ahead of Clinton's visit to Moscow yesterday and today. As always, only sound bites got into the story, and many brilliant quotes got cut. So I thought this would provide a fuller picture. What's really striking in these interviews is how the aims coming from both sides are at cross-purposes, and how Obama's views, as expressed by the official, begin to look naive, even hopeless, when juxtaposed with what the Russian government wants. Please let me know if posting interviews like this is helpful and I may keep doing it in the future where it seems appropriate. Also, fellow journos, please let me know if you see any problems with this format, ethical or otherwise. I should also note, these are still selected quotes, not full transcripts. Senior Obama Administration official, interviewed March 5 on condition of anonymity by phone from Washington: At the end of 2008, during the transition period, the bilateral relationship had not been so bad and negative and absent of substance since all the way back in the Cold War. Even the late Gorbachev period was better. Obama's thought was that this was not because of clashing interests. If we just look at what US national security interests are in the world and pursue those, and think about how do they relate to Russian national security interests, there are clearly unrealized common objectives and common things we can pursue together. A big part of that engagement was that we will not trade relations with other countries for better ties with Russia. We will not throw the Poles under the bus in the name of the reset. We won't sacrifice Ukraine or Georgia for the sake of better relations with Russia. Concretely, in terms of what we have managed to do, the lethal transit agreement is big, and we are up to 50-60 flights this year already. Once we secure an agreement with Kazakhstan, we will do polar flights, which will get more supplies faster into Kyrgyzstan and on to Afghanistan. We're not done with the START treaty, but we're very close. It's frustrating how slow it has been, but historically this will still be the fastest negotiated nuclear treaty between the US and Russia. We have practiced the dual track [both civil society and inter-governmental engagement] and have criticized the anti-democratic actions that have happened over the year. Has it helped improve the situation in democracy in Russia? I don't think so. But we've managed to practice that. We talked about the elections in October, talked about those as being obviously not up to democratic standards. Some have said we should stop talking about that to get agreement on Iran. But we're not going to do that. We're not shutting down that track, and the democratic assistance is being maintained. Some also have criticized us for not giving enough attention to these issues compared to Bush, but in the speeches and in terms of the money it's there. We had a meeting with Surkov, and were blatantly talking about this ridiculous stuff on Russia Today comparing Obama and Osama bin Laden. [What was Surkov's response?] They were embarrassed by it frankly. Where we should have been more forthcoming is having more dialogue about our program for missile defense. Once they understand the new plan, that should alleviate the concerns. The radars, the sensors we are now talking about cannot see as deeply into Russian territory as the radar that was planned for the Czech Republic. On the failures, there are some dogs that didn't bark. That we have the Manas base in Kyrgyzstan is a great achievement. Russia didn't want to allow us to have that. They put down $2 billion to get us out. But Obama had very frank discussions with Medvedev. He said if you believe we have a common enemy in Afghanistan, then this is going to help us fight that common enemy. Had we lost that, it would have been a major blow. It is a major hub for getting our soldiers in and out of there. But in terms of ending the Russian occupation in Georgia, we did not succeed in that. We categorically do not recognize South Ossetia and Abkhazia as independent countries, and believe Georgia's territorial integrity must be respected. But we've had very little progress on that front. Still, there was no war between Russia and Georgia this past year. We are actively involved in trying to keep the peace there. Some people in Russia still want to keep framing things as competition with NATO and with the United States. They want to keep that zero-sum thinking. But there is a debate going on inside Russia, and even inside United Russia. There is not a monolithic view. Of course there are the old thinkers, and people are trained to think in certain ways. That doesn't change overnight and it is not unique to Russia. But there is politics involved. If I were thinking about it as an analyst, about who is served best by the reset, it doesn't serve everyone equally. Obama doesn't believe Russia would ever agree to a policy outcome that would be bad for the United States. These talks [on the START treaty on partial nuclear disarmament] cause both governments to start thinking about worst case scenarios. They are simply obligated to do that. And that tends to activate certain kinds of thinking sometimes. We do not want to turn the relationship back into a unidimensional one where it's just about arms control. So the civil society track is very important for us. In 2010, we are talking about modernization because of the initiative Russians are taking on that. They have the notion that Russia sees itself having its own Silicon Valley and we heartily agree. We don't want our business-to-business dialogue to be just between oil companies. The weakness of what we have done so far is too much in government channels and not enough in private channels. [Are you worried that civil society engagement may anger the Russians?] We are cognizant of some not wanting to see that kind of engagement and we are doing it nonetheless. We fundamentally believe that this is a critical component of the reset. There is the idea that we shouldn't rock the boat, but that is not the administration's policy. Sergei Markov, a conservative parliament deputy for Putin's United Russia party, and a political analyst known for having close links to the Kremlin in the past. Interviewed by phone on March 9. Over the last several centuries, Russia had all of its main threats coming from the West, so of course it is still afraid of this...[history lecture]... This is built in to generational memory, generational fear. Everyone here has a relative, a grandfather, an uncle, who has been killed by an attack from the West. You need several decades to change this mentality, and that has to be several decades of purely positive relations. And how can you call relations positive now when you look at who was killing Russian peacekeepers in South Ossetia. They were Georgians, but in NATO uniform, with NATO rifles, NATO training, NATO consultants and working with NATO intelligence. In general this was NATO operation. Why was this war so interesting and fearful for the world. It's because everyone understands that this was a clash between Russia and the peripheral miltary machine of NATO. There is one fundamental fact that needs to be resolved before relations can really move forward. That is what what status Washington wants for Russia, what role it accepts for Russia in geopolitics. Russia was once a superpower, and that is a power that takes part in all conflicts around the world, and has influence around the world. Now Russia has moved away from that. Now it wants only to be a great regional power, one that defends regional interests and only sometimes interests in other regions as well. Russia wants this. But Washnigton is so far denying Russia this status. Washington still holds the thesis that Russia's influence should be limited to its borders. But of course the influence of a great power is not limited to its borders, by definition. And before Washington and Moscow agree on what status of Russia will have in the world, before they can agree to view Russia as a great regional power, it is impossible to talk about strong relations between them. If a girl thinks that she is married, and boy thinks they are just dating, there is going to be a problem, because they have conflicting definitions of the boundaries of behavior. Historical events that define this status will need to happen, they will continue to happen. The war in South Ossetia was very significant. It showed first of all that Russia is ready to use military force, to go to war to defend influence in its neighborhood, and, two, that the United States is only ready to counter that with financial, diplomatic, political support, but not by sending its own troops into battle, not even for its close allies here. This gives Russia the freedom to realize its ambition of being a great power in the region. For this status to be accepted, it must be ready to push. If before US was filling a power vacuum in the region, now there is no vacuum, Russia has filled out the gaps, and as it continues to expand its influence, there will be standoffs with the powers who filled the vacuum while Russia was weakened. Let's hope those standoffs stay in the financial and political arenas. Manas, Uzbek base, Azerbaijan bases, the US has also staked out places here, and it seems to want to continue that. This could pose a problem. On the other hand, military bases can be viewed as helpful for Russia, and where they have a common interest, they can work together from those bases. This includes what Medvedev has said many times about fighting extremists together in the region. I've always said, let the americans build roads in Georgia, they will eventually become ours anyway. Either they will enter some economic alliance with us, or they will simply reintegrate into our state. I support a large strategic agreeement bewteen the US and Russia, but for that the US needs to take steps toward recognizing Russia as a great power in the region, with the right to have its own bloc, its own sphere of influence. Just as France has relationships with former colonies in Africa. Russia has special relationships with Belarus, and let's admit, neither one is a relationship between equals. [Has the reset made progress?] It's been very encouraging that the US has refused to interfere in Ukraine domestic policy in the way it was doing during the Orange Revolution. Americans have also sharply cut their support to Georgia. At least they are not giving one dollar of military assistance, as far as I know, to Saakashvili. [On Iran] Before Russia was saying that it would not support sanctions, now Russia is looking at the possibility of sanctions as a last resort in some cases. That is a huge change in policy. It has cost Russia contracts worth many billions of dollars with Iran. That is a serious move. I think on balance the people are stronger [inside Russia] who want to improve relations, including first of all the president. But the Prime Minister has also said that Russia has no penchant for conflicts with the United States. The core of the Medvedev ideology is that we should be open to cooperation, while Putin has a tendency to say that whatever conflicts remain, the US is at fault. But by doing that Putin takes responsibility for not initiating any new conflicts with the United States, and that is likely to move things forward. Then again, Putin's statements in Vladivostok were quite tough. Dmitry Rogozin, Russia's envoy to NATO, interviewed by phone on March 11: The positive signals have been created, first of all, a high level of personal trust has been created between the two presidents. Our president does sincerely believe that Obama can be trusted. But that doesn't mean this opinion is shared at every level, especially the levels where the implementation of their agreements and discussions is borne out. What disturbs us without question is the expansion of military infrastructure on our western border and on our border in the Caucasus. Missile defense is also a very criticial issue for us. [On START treaty] The idea of dismantling our nuclear arsenal can undermine our very sovereignty, because for us, the preservation of our nuclear capacity is a matter of life and death. It is an essential element of our defense capability. The one who is stronger has to make the first move. So we are waiting for offers from the USA. We hear these statements from people... who say we should accept Russia into NATO, and we welcome this as positive signal, a true show of trust, and we and don't see this as a trap. But still we would like to see real changes in actions. We got burned during Gorbachev. Instead of flirting, what we need is for NATO to stop taking us as a threat, that has to change. In my logic, the Americans have to make the first step, the ball is in their court, the changes have to come from Washington. What we would like to see, what would amaze me, is a clear public declaration, fixed in the law, that refuses the view that Russia is a threat. This would be punch in the gut, a final knock out, for the cold war thinking on both sides. But so far it seems we are only seeing sweet words wash over our ears while the foreign seeds [alternative translation: worms, maggots] are still being laid at our doorstep. The divisions between Russia and West is not a natural state, the challenge now is ambitious. It is not distrust or hurt feelings, it is getting rid of the history of conflict between our countries. Whoever really takes up this challenge, whether Obama or someone else, will enter history as a truly historical reformer, and not just someone with ambitious plans. [1] http://commons.wikipedia.org/wiki/Image:Dmitry_Medvedev_1_April_2009-1.jpg [2] http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1971651,00.html -
‘Deem and Pass’ Unlikely to Be Reversed in Courts, Experts Say
[Military, Green, News, Politics] (ProPublica: Articles and Investigations)by Chisun Lee, ProPublica - There's been a lot of buzz this week about the questionable constitutionality of a tactic House Democrats may use to pass the controversial Senate health care bill. By using the so-called deem and pass maneuver, they wouldn't have to vote explicitly for the bill. Instead, they would vote on fixes to the bill -- or maybe on rules for debating the fixes to the bill -- and agree that those votes would count as votes on the bill itself. Congress would then send the ...
by Chisun Lee, ProPublica -
There's been a lot of buzz this week about the questionable constitutionality of a tactic House Democrats may use to pass the controversial Senate health care bill. By using the so-called deem and pass maneuver, they wouldn't have to vote explicitly for the bill. Instead, they would vote on fixes to the bill -- or maybe on rules for debating the fixes to the bill -- and agree that those votes would count as votes on the bill itself. Congress would then send the health care bill -- explicitly passed by the Senate and "deemed" to have been passed by the House -- to the White House for President Obama's signature.
A written measure proposing to deem the health care bill passed might emerge on Saturday, according to Vincent Morris, spokesman for Rep. Louise Slaughter, D-N.Y., who chairs the House Rules Committee.
Some critics, most prominently former federal appeals court judge Michael McConnell, say this strategy is too roundabout to meet the Constitution's requirement that both chambers of Congress approve a law before it can be considered valid. "These constitutional rules set forth in Article I are not mere exercises in formalism," McConnell wrote ($) this week in the Wall Street Journal. "They ensure the democratic accountability of our representatives."
The issue is more than academic. It raises a question with very real stakes: Could using "deem and pass" result in the undoing of historic health care legislation by a decision of the Supreme Court?
A number of legal experts -- who, like politicians, never say never -- say it's highly unlikely, but not impossible. They've raised at least three major obstacles that would have to be overcome before such a result could come to pass.
First, the right plaintiff would have to bring the lawsuit. That plaintiff would have to be able to claim that a concrete injury -- usually articulated as monetary or physical harm -- resulted directly from the challenged law and that the injury would be cured if the law were struck down.
That rules out angry Republican legislators, says Erwin Chemerinsky, who is dean of U.C. Irvine's law school and a widely respected scholar of the legal and diplomatic intricacies of federal court decision-making. Chemerinsky tried and failed to mount a similar challenge to the Deficit Reduction Act of 2005 on behalf of angry Democratic legislators, -- including Slaughter, who happens to have come up with the current "deem and pass" idea, nicknamed "the Slaughter solution."
In that case, no one disputed that the House and Senate had passed technically different versions of a bill -- the House version permitted certain Medicare payments for 36 months, while the Senate version stated 13 months -- or that President George W. Bush had signed the Senate version rather than wait for identical language to emerge from both bodies. "A different bill passed the House and the Senate, in clear violation of Article I, section 7" of the Constitution, said Chemerinsky.
Even so, the Democrats were quickly thrown out of court. A federal judge explained that their claim of having been cheated out of the legislation they wanted wasn't the kind of injury a lawsuit could resolve. The same barrier would probably stop legislators or interest groups seeking to attack the pending health care law, according to Chemerinsky.
In an e-mail exchange with ProPublica this week, McConnell said that coming up with the right scenario to challenge a "deemed passed" health care law would be "complicated." But he suggested it wouldn't be impossible.
He pointed to a 1998 Supreme Court case, Clinton v. New York, which struck down the Line Item Veto Act as unconstitutional. By passing that law, Congress had tried to give the president unilateral authority to delete parts of spending measures rather than send back entire bills for the legislature to rework to his liking. The Court said Congress had turned over its lawmaking duties to the president, which the Constitution forbids. The successful plaintiffs in that case -- the City of New York and a group of potato growers in Idaho -- alleged they were at immediate risk of suffering economic harm because the president was vetoing measures they'd been relying on to make financial plans.
Someone could claim that the health care overhaul causes a similarly concrete injury. The bill's proponents are touting the immediate and tangible impact the measure would have on certain businesses and individuals.
Even a plaintiff with a solid claim would have to persuade a court to decide the case rather than dismiss it based on what's known as institutional deference. Essentially, that means the judiciary would take Congress at its word if it says that "deeming" a bill passed is the same as passing a bill, without getting into the constitutional issues, according to Chemerinsky. Convincing a court that it should do otherwise is highly unlikely to happen, he says. Under a long-standing rule, courts generally won't question whether a bill was properly passed as long as the House speaker and the president pro tempore of the Senate -- currently, Nancy Pelosi, D-Calif., and Robert Byrd, D-W.Va. -- say it was. The idea is to avoid a flood of lawsuits challenging the sausage-making procedures behind federal statutes.
McConnell -- who in addition to having been a federal appeals court judge has argued 11 cases before the Supreme Court, clerked for the famed liberal justice William Brennan and now teaches constitutional law at Stanford -- has found a possible way around this rule. He e-mailed ProPublica a citation to a footnote in a 1990 case, where the Supreme Court said that rule of deference couldn't stop the courts from doing their duty "to review the constitutionality of congressional enactments."
Finally, a plaintiff who got past these initial hurdles would have to make a winning constitutional argument. That's where things would really get sticky. McConnell thinks the case is clear: To be constitutional, the bill that becomes a law must have "passed both houses in the same form," he contends. A House measure implicitly passing the Senate bill is not the "same form" as the Senate bill, he says. For a resulting health care law to be constitutional, he said, the House must pass exactly the Senate bill, or both chambers must start over and agree to pass some identical bill.
But not everyone agrees that the constitutional requirement is so technical -- that to pass a bill, both chambers have to pass it in "the same form." The "same form" language doesn't appear in the constitutional section McConnell cites.
Yale constitutional scholar Jack Balkin argues that a House measure that clearly incorporates the text of the Senate bill would be good enough. McConnell's Stanford colleague, Pamela Karlan, who also clerked at the Supreme Court and now leads students in litigating before the justices, agrees that the Constitution's requirement may not be so rigid.
McConnell's main support for his view is the line-item veto case, where the Supreme Court declared that a law is validly enacted only if "(1) a bill containing its exact text was approved by a majority of the Members of the House of Representatives; (2) the Senate approved precisely the same text; and (3) that text was signed into law by the President."
Could a House measure deeming the Senate bill to be passed amount to the same thing as a bill "containing" the Senate bill -- as his counterparts suggest it could? McConnell did not respond to this last query.
Already the legal debate has taken on a political reality. Congressional Republicans are predicting legal challenges, should the House choose to "deem" the health care bill to be passed.
But Democratic leaders don"t appear to be worried. Rep. Slaughter said in an e-mail to ProPublica that the tactic was routine and that an indirect vote for the Senate bill should be viewed as "an up or down vote on the bill."
The White House didn't respond to a request for comment. But President Obama has been brushing off worries about legislative procedure, saying in one television interview, "If people vote yes, whatever form that takes, that is going to be a vote for health care reform."
